Father: Thomas Lowthroppe
Mother: Mary Howell? or Maud *****

Spouse-1: Hannah Howse
  m: 10/Oct/1610 - Eastwell Par., Co. Kent, England

Child-1: Thomas - bp: 21/Feb/1612(1613) - Eastwell Par., Co. Kent, England
                             d: 1707 - Watertown. Middlesex Co., MA
                            m: Mrs. Sarah Learned or Linnell Ewer - 11/Dec/1639 - Watertown Twp., Mass. Bay Col.
          2: Jane
          3: Anne - bp: 12/May/1616 - Egerton Par., Co. Kent, England
                         bur: 30/Apr/1617 - Egerton Par., Co. Kent, England
          4: John - bp: 22/Feb/1616(1617) - Egerton Par., Co. Kent, England
          5: Barbara - bp: 31/Oct/1619 - Egerton Par., Co. Kent, England
                             m: John Emerson - 19/Jul/1638 - Duxbury, New Plymouth Col.
          6: Samuel - b: ~1622 - Egerton Par., Co. Kent, England
                           bur: 19 or 29/Feb/1700(1701) - Norwich, New London Co., CT
                           m: Elizabeth Scudder - 28/Nov/1644 - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.
                           m: Abigail Doane - ~1691 - Norwich, New London Co., CT
          7: Joseph - b: 1624  - London - bp: 11/Apr/1624 - Eastwell Par., Co. Kent, England
                           bur: 9/Apr/1702 - Barnstable, Barnstable Co., MA
                           m: Mary Ansell - 11/Dec/1650 - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.
          8: Benjamin - b: 1626 - London - bp: 24/Dec/1626 - Eastwell Par., Co. Kent, England
                               d: 3/Jul/1691 - Charlestown, Sufflok Co., MA
                              m: Martha *****

Spouse-2: Anne Dimmock - d: 25/Feb/1687(1688) - Barnstable, Barnstable Co., New Plymouth Col.
  m: ~1634 or 1635

Child-1: Barnabas - bp: 6/Jun/1636 - Scituate, New Plymouth Col.
                               d: 26/Oct/1715 - Barnstable, Barnstable Co., MA
                              m: Susanna Clarke - 1/Dec/1658 - Plymouth Twp., New Plymouth Col.
                              m: Abigail Button - 15/Nov/1698 - Barnstable, Barnstable Co., MA
          2: (unnamed daughter) - b/d: 30/Jul/1638 - New Plymouth Col.
          3: Abigail - bp: 3/Nov/1639 - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.
                           m: James Clarke - 7/Oct/1657 - Plymouth Twp., New Plymouth Col.
          4: Bathshua - bp: 27/Feb/1641(1642) - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.
                               d: 8/Jan/1723(1724) - bur: Dorchester, Suffolk Co., MA
                              m: Alexander Marsh
          5: John - bp: 9/Feb/1644(1645) - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.
                        d: 17/Sep/1727 - Barnstable, Barnstable Co., MA
                       m: Mary Cole - 3/Jan/1671(1672) - Plymouth Twp., New Plymouth Col.
                       m: Mrs. Hannah Morton Fuller - 9/Dec/1695 - Barnstable, Barnstable Co., MA
          6: (unnamed son) - b/d: 25/Jan/1649(1650) - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.

Biographical Details:

John Lothropp was born in the East Riding of Yorkshire and was baptized in Etton Parish on December 20, 1584.  Undoubtedly, his birth occurred shortly before this event.  Within this context, his parents are believed to have been Thomas Lothropp and his wife, who is affirmed as either Mary or Maud, but her exact identity remains uncertain.  Presumably, John spent his childhood in the neighborhood of the village of Etton, which remains in existence and according to current maps of the region, lies about three miles northwest of the town of Beverley, which is itself located approximately five to seven miles northwest of the city of Kingston-upon-Hull and the estuary of the Humber River.  He evidently first attended Oxford University, since according to Foster's Alumni Oxonienses, John Lowthroppe of Yorkshire, aged sixteen years, was admitted as a pleb of Christ Church College on October 15, 1602.¹  This date would imply that his birth actually occurred in 1585 or 1586 rather than 1584; however, such inconsistency in early hand written records (or interpretation of them) is notoriously common and should not be considered as a serious discrepancy.  Alternatively, other researchers indicate that he entered university a year or so earlier, i.e., in the fall of 1601, which would, indeed, be consistent with his age as sixteen.  In any case, credible authorities seem to agree that John Lothropp first attended Oxford, but later went to Cambridge University (perhaps, because his older brother, Thomas, was already a student there).  Accordingly, Venn's Alumni Cantabrigienses, indicates that John Loothrop, Lathrop, or Lothropp, was admitted to the degree of Bachelor of Arts from Queen's College in 1606 and to that of Master of Arts in 1609.  (Venn also affirms John's birth and baptism in Etton Parish in 1584 and his father as Thomas.)  He reportededly also received Orders of the Church of England in 1607 and it has been further reported that prior to his graduation, John Lothropp received a deaconship from the Bishop of Lincoln and began his service in the parish of Benington.  Within this context, researchers invariably assert a location in Hertfordshire, which lies about thirty miles north of London.  Even so, although this may well be correct, it would seem at least possible that his service was at Benington in Lincolnshire, which at present can be found about five or six miles east northeast of Boston.  In any case, following his graduation John was appointed a living by the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's as curate at the parish of Egerton in the county of Kent, which is located about twenty-five to thirty miles west of Dover and a similar distance southeast of Gravesend and the mouth of the Thames River.  Moreover, as a matter of additional detail, his service may have actually began at the nearby parish of Little Chart to which extant church records indicate he was first appointed on January 10, 1609 (1610 N. S.), and which can still be found about two miles southeast of Egerton.  Undoubtedly, the two parishes were closely associated and it would seem that he subsequently transferred to Egerton no later than 1611.  Concomitantly, while serving at either Little Chart or Egerton, John Lothropp apparently became acquainted with Hannah Howse, a young woman of good reputation, who was also the daughter of the rector of the neighboring parish of Eastwell, a few miles to the east (and to which the curacy of Egerton and probably Little Chart as well, seem to have been attached).  They were married October 10, 1610, almost certainly at Eastwell and very likely by her father.  (The parish church at Eastwell collapsed in 1951 and is now a ruin.)  John and Hannah Lothropp had eight known children, seven of which, viz., Thomas, Jane, Anne, John, Barbara, Joseph, and Benjamin, can be convincingly identified from contemporary baptisimal records of Egerton and Eastwell.  (The last two were likely born in London, but christened at Eastwell.)  Of these, Thomas was the oldest, born in late 1612 or early 1613, and Anne died as an infant.  Alternatively, Savage, Otis, and others have reported that by his own testimony, Thomas Lothrop was about eighty years of age on April 4, 1701, and, hence, by inference was born in 1620 or 1621.²  This suggests that the original Thomas died as a young child and that John and Hannah had a second son, whom they also named Thomas.  Indeed, the practice of using the same given name twice within a family was common in the seventeenth century due to the high rate of infant and child mortality.  Even so, no baptismal record is known for "second Thomas"; hence, such a conclusion is not certain, but only plausible at best.  (However neither does a baptismal record seem to exist for Thomas' younger brother, Samuel, born about 1622, which would, perhaps, lend greater credibility to a younger Thomas.)  Moreover, several researchers also propose younger daughters, Deborah and/or Sarah, but there seems to be little supporting evidence and they are likely spurious.  (In particular, assertion of a putative daughter, Deborah, seems to derive from a misreading of John Lothropp's will and it is very likely that she is identical to Barbara.)

Of course, the first half of the seventeenth century was a time of sharp disagreement within the Church of England and increasingly strong measures were taken against nonconformists.  Indeed, as early as July 6, 1604, King James I announced in reference to dissenting ministers, "We have thought good to give time to all ministers disobedient to the orders of the Church, and to ecclesiastical authority here by law established, until the last of November now next ensueing to bethink themselves of the course they will hold therein."  Consequently,  more than three hundred ministers were ejected, silenced, or suspended; some were imprisoned; others, driven into exile.  Even so, although Rev. Lothropp was undoubtedly a Puritan and sympathetic with the dissenters, for some thirteen years he remained in service at Egerton, but in 1623 he could no longer follow Anglican doctrine, renounced his orders within the Church of England, and moved to London, evidently becoming a separatist.  Here, Mr. Henry Jacob had established the first independent congregational church in England in 1616, apparently following Robinson's plan of organization at Leiden in Holland (which, of course, is where the Pilgrim Fathers had fled a few years earlier).  At this time, persecution seems not to have been too severe and the congregation apparently met more or less without fear in Union Street in Southwark, south of the Thames (a burial lot attached to this location seems to have been later known as Deadman's Place).³  Subsequently, in 1624 Mr. Jacob emigrated to Virginia and, as a consequence Mr. Lothropp became his successor in London.  With some emphasis, Otis asserted in his history that this was the first independent congregation organized in England.⁴  Unfortunately, as the 1620's progressed, especially after the accession of Charles I in 1625, official insistence of religious conformity steadily increased.  Accordingly, independent congregational meetings were necessarily held in secret to avoid trouble with royal and ecclesiastical authorities, in particular, Archbishop William Laud, who zealously desired to extinguish all nonconforming practices, which he called "heresy".  Apparently, Lothropp's congregation worshipped under these conditions for at least eight years.  Indeed, it would seem that Laud tried for some time without success to locate the meeting place of the dissenters, but finally in late April of 1632, a group led by Tomlinson, Laud's warrant officer, raided a meeting at the house of Mr. Humphrey Barnet, a brewer's clerk, in Blackfriars and forty-two persons were seized, only eighteen escaping.  A trial was held in the Court of High Commission, i.e., Star Chamber, in the Palace of Westminster and Lothropp and his followers were convicted.^5,6   As a result, each defendant was reportedly sentenced to serve two years incarcerated in Newgate Prison, then known colloquially as "The Clink" and a place feared by even the most hardened criminals.  (Newgate Prison was renovated or rebuilt several times over seven centuries, but was finally closed and demolished in the early twentieth century and subsequently replaced by the The Central Criminal Court, i.e., the Old Bailey, (as well as other buildings) located just to the northwest of St. Paul's Cathedral.)  Sadly, during the time of John's imprisonment Hannah Lothropp became seriously ill and it may be supposed that as a charitable act her husband was given permission by the bishop to visit his wife before her death.⁷  On this occasion, it is reported that he commended her to God in prayer, after which she soon died, leaving their family without care or funds.  Moreover, it has been further reported (with, perhaps, some embellishment) that following his wife's death and when he was to return to prison, John himself or, as is more likely, some of his fellow congregants and friends, took all the Lothropp children dressed in their "Sunday best", presented them to Laud and inquired as to who was going to care for them.  Similarly, petitions were sent to the government requesting Rev. Lothropp's release due to family hardship, but these were rejected because as an influential nonconformist clergyman he was considered to be too socially and religiously dangerous to be set free, unless he would agree to leave England.  To this it would seem he consented and, consequently, he was released on April 24, 1634, with the understanding that he was on bail, that he was not to officiate or even to be present in any private meetings, and that he, along with some fellow prisoners, would expeditiously leave the country.  Even so, while making preparations to leave, Rev. Lothropp became more adamant that "idolatry, liturgy, and symbolic sacraments were more important in the Church of England than simple worship of the Lord".  Therefore, in defiance to conditions of his bail, he seems to have, again, organized meetings of his congregation.  As might have been expected, word of these developments appear to have soon reached the authorities and on June 12, 1634, a warrant was issued for the minister to report to court.  Judiciously, he did not appear again, but probably near the beginning of August embarked for Boston on the "Griffin", with his family and about thirty of his parishioners (others having gone to Holland with a few remaining in England) arriving according Winthrop's Journal on September 18, 1634.⁸  No original passenger list of the ship is known to exist, but a reconstruction was created by Mr. Charles E. Banks as a result of his extensive research in the early twentieth century, and which includes Rev. John Lothropp along with seven children, viz., Thomas, Samuel, Joseph, John, Benjamin, Jane, and Barbara.⁹  In addition, Banks' list also indicates that Rev. Lothropp had a wife with him when he landed in Boston.  In contrast, Huntington asserted in his genealogy that John Lothropp was a widower when he arrived in New England, but married soon afterward, perhaps, in 1635.  Huntington's presumption is substantially supported by admission of Mrs. Lothropp to church membership in Scituate on June 14, 1635, she having been dismissed from membership elsewhere, i.e., from another congregation, and which is best explained as being chronologically coincident with their marriage, thus, suggesting that Mr. Banks is in error.  Within this context, the second wife of Rev. Lothropp has been frequently asserted as Anne Hammond.¹⁰  However, this presumption seems to derive from an incorrect interpretation of an entry in Lothropp's diary and later researchers have instead identified her as Anne Dimmock.¹¹  She seems to have been the sister of Thomas Dimmock, who reportedly arrived in New England in 1635 on the "Hopewell" and later became a militia officer and leading citizen of Barnstable.  In any case, John and Anne Lothropp had six children, two dying in infancy and four surviving to adulthood, viz., Barnabas, Abigail, Bathshua, and John.  (Clearly, the reappearance of the name "John" very likely implies that the older John Lothrop, son of Rev. and Hannah Howse Lothropp died sometime between 1634 and 1645.)  In addition, another daughter, Elizabeth, is frequently attributed to the family, but this is far from certain.¹²

Reportedly only nine days after landing, on September 27th Rev. John Lothropp proceeded to Scituate, which was associated with the New Plymouth Colony rather than Massachusetts Bay and where "men of Kent" already had begun settlement and among which he found a number of acquaintances (perhaps, even some of his former parishioners from Egerton).  In addition, a number of families had come from Plymouth to Scituate that same fall, being formally dismissed from the Plymouth congregation "in case they join in a body at Scituate", which was gathered the following January 18th.  Accordingly, by common consent Mr. Lothropp was inducted into office as minister and a meeting house was constructed the next year (dedicated on November 10, 1636).  Additional civil records indicate that John Lothropp was admitted a freeman of the colony on June 7, 1637, and that a few years later in 1643 he was a member of the the colony militia.  During his tenure at Scituate, Rev. Lothropp lived on a farm granted by the Court, located on the southeast side of the Coleman Hills, which lie just to the south of the town above the Herring River and associated marshland.  He also held shares in the New Harbour marshes between his house and the North River.  Unlike his fellow Puritans, John Lothropp did not require each member to confess his faith formally nor to sign a creed.  Concomitantly, he promised to abide by God's commandments and to live an example of a pure life and sincere love of brethren.  Naturally, he believed the doctrine he taught, but did not turn away those who disagreed.  He never administered punishment, never persecuted, never demanded, but led by example.  Consequently, he admitted to the church those who would abide by the Ten Commandments in the love of God, as he himself did.  Nevertheless, differences arose within the church, which soon caused Rev. Lothropp to seek a new location for himself, and for those of his congregation as should care to join him.  The details of this disagreement are not clear.  Mr. Otis believed that they were economic in nature, but others look to a doctrinal dispute centered on baptism.  Indeed, this had been a divisive issue in England, and became so in New England as well.  (Subsequently, after the departure of Rev. Lothropp the church at Scituate, although still divided on the issue, engaged Rev. Charles Chauncey as minister and eagerly adopted his mode of baptism by immersion.)  As is usual in human society the causes of disagreement are complex and commonly irrational.  In any case, in 1638 John Lothropp wrote to Governor Thomas Prence requesting a purchase of lands from the Indians at a place where the land would provide more food than what could be provided at Scituate (which, perhaps, supports economic causes for the migration).  At first, it seems that the settlers considered Sippican (later Rochester), which lies just to the west of Cape Cod as a site for their new "plantation".  Instead, after the failure of Mr. Richard Collicut to establish a township, the Plymouth Court awarded the Scituate party a large tract on Cape Cod, just east of the present town of Sandwich and then known as "Mattakeese" (reportedly an Indian name meaning "plowed fields").  In the summer and fall of 1638, at least three parties of settlers consisting of Rev. Lothropp and twenty-two male church members with their families set out for Cape Cod, some making the journey by sea and others, having cattle and household goods, traveling by land.  Indeed, more than half of the congregation went with their pastor, which reduced the population of Scituate to approximately half.  Upon arriving, the shores, flats, and small harbor apparently reminded the new residents of Barnstaple in the old country (located in Devon across the peninsula from Plymouth); hence, they named the town Barnstable.  The Lothropp family arrived at Barnstable on October 11, 1639.

Naturally, a congregation was soon organized with Rev. Lothropp as pastor and, which, thus, met at his house.  (A formal meeting house was not built in Barnstable until 1646.)  Moreover, according to Mr. Otis, John Lothropp's first house was small and inconveniently located "where Eldridge's hotel now stands".  According to Deyo's history this location was "nearly opposite the court house", which, therefore, would seem to be on the north side of Main Street (i.e., Massachusetts state highway route "six-A") toward the marshland.  Consequently, it was proposed that he should build a larger house more centrally located, which was completed in 1644.  This building still survives and for more than a century has served as a public library in the town of Barnstable, viz., the Sturgis Library.¹³  Indeed, one of the prized possessions of the library is a copy of a Geneva Bible printed in 1605 by Robert Baker and later owned by Rev. Lothropp.  With this Bible an associated anecdote has been passed down through the generations which relates that one evening while in his own quarters aboard the "Griffin", as might have been expected Rev. Lothropp was studying the Bible by candlelight.  Unfortunately, on this occasion it seems that he must have been very tired and, hence, did not notice that a spark from the candle had fallen onto the open book, until many pages had burned through or scorched, leaving holes of varying sizes.  Even so, before the ship had docked in Boston, Rev. Lothropp had repaired the pages with new paper and restored the missing words from memory, using the same old English text in style and language.  Surely, this must be an indication, not only of his piety and literacy, but of a superior intellectual ability.  Accordingly, Rev. Lothropp kept a valuable diary in his own hand of events connected with both congregations that he served in New England (i.e., Scituate and Barnstable), spanning the years 1634 until the last entry dated June 15, 1653.  He made a will on August 10, 1653, which was left unsigned, but, nevertheless, was entered into probate since it apparently was not contested.¹⁴  In this will, John Lothropp specifically mentioned his sons, Thomas, John (who was then in England), and Benjamin as well as two daughters, Jane and Barbara; however, additional children or, perhaps, step-children, mentioned generally remain unspecified.  (Obviously, this serves to increase difficulties associated with the identity of Elizabeth Williams as asserted previously.)  Even so, it is evident from the will that Ann Lothropp survived her husband.  He was almost certainly buried on Lothrop's Hill in the western part of the town of Barnstable, but it does not seem that an exact location is known, although a memorial monument has been more recently erected at the front of the cemetery.

The life of John Lothropp serves to illustrate both differences and similarities between Puritans and Puritan Separatists.  Indeed, it is clear that Rev. Lothropp began as a Puritan (or even merely as an  "Anglican" having Puritan sympathies), but apparently progressed in his thinking through various stages until he became a separatist and independent.  In this regard, he perhaps became even more radical than the Pilgrim Fathers themselves, who affirmed general hierarchical and disciplinary relations within and between congregations, although they rejected a formal episcopacy.  In contrast, "Independency" stressed the primacy of individual conscience and, by extension, the fundamental importance of each congregation.  Indeed, although hierarchical church structures still exist, this kind of organization has remained a prominent characteristic of American Protestantism down to the present day.  Within this context, Mr. Otis has observed that John Lothropp "was a man who held opinions in advance of the times."  Likewise, it does not appear that he ever persecuted anabaptists, although he himself seems to have adhered to the traditional form.  Similarly, there is no indication that his relations with more conservative church and civil authorities at Plymouth and Boston were anything less than amicable.  All contemporary sources assert that Rev. Lothropp was not only loved and respected, but possessed personal characteristics worthy of the highest admiration.

1a. New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 1, pg. 286, 1847.
      "Decease of the Fathers of New England ... 1653 ... Nov. 8, Rev. John Lothrop of Barnstable"

b. New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 9, pgs. 280-1, 1855.
      "Scituate & Barnstable Church Records ... Touching the congregation (& church) of Christ collected att Scituate.  The 28 of September, 1634, being the Lord's day, I came to Scituate the night before & on the Lord's day spent my first Labours, Forenoon & Afternoon. ... Comeing to Barnstable, Octob. 11, 1639 ... Abigaill daughter of John Lothropp ye 1st.  Martha daughter of Bernard Lumberd ye 2d. and Mary daughter of Robert Shelley ye 3d. Novem. 2 1639. att Mr. Hull's house.* * Doct. Stiles' copy, 'att my house;' Barnstable Ch. Rec. 'att Mr. Hull's Ho'"

c. New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 38, pg. 456, 1884.
      "He landed at Boston ... 18 Sep 1634 on the 'Griffin' with most of his Southwark congregation and settled at Scituate."

d. New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 66, pgs. 356-8, 1912.
      "On 10 Oct 1610 a license was issued for the marriage at Eastwell of John Lothropp, M. A., curate of Egerton, and Hannah Howse, of Eastwell, virgin. ... Eldest son Thomas Lothrop was baptized at Eastwell 21 Feb 1612/1613"

e. New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 84, pgs. 437-9, 1930.
      "Genealogical Research in England: Lothrop ... Entered First Christ Church College, Oxford, England æ 16 in 1602; later at Cambridge obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree from Queen's College in 1606 and a Master of Arts in 1609."
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2a. James Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England - Vols. 1-4, Little, Brown and Co., Boston, MA, 1860-1862: Vol. 3, pgs. 119-20.  (Reprint available from Genealogical Publishing Co., 1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, MD, 21202-3897)
      "LOTHROP, LATHROP, LOTHORP, or LOWTHROP, LAWTHROP, ... JOHN, Scituate, the first min. was bred at Oxford, if the tradit. may be trusted, but prob. he was there only for a short time, preached, perhaps, at Egerton, in Kent, but certain. in London, where p. Laud caus. him to be impris. for it, for two yrs. in wh. time his w. d. by whom he had all his ch. exc. these by sec. w. Barnabas, bapt. at S. 6 June 1636; Abigail, wh. was bapt. at Barnstable, 3 Nov. 1639, the first in that ch. Bathshua, bapt. 27 Feb. 1642; John, 9 Feb. 1645; and two, wh. d. soon aft. b. 30 July 1638 and 25 Jan. 1650.  On liberat. from prison he embark. for Boston 1634, hav. fellow-passeng. Rev. Zachary Symmes, celebr. Ann Hutchinson, and many others, arr. in Sept. and 27th of that mo. went to S. there m. sec. w. Ann, wh. long outliv. him, dying 25 Feb. 1688; On 18 Jan. 1635, the ch. at S. were gather. for enjoy. the benefit of his services, as in Deane's Hist. 167, is told, but the author. ment. that the centenn. annivers. would occur on 7 Jan. 1835, deduct. eleven days, whereas the true annivers. requir. addit. of ten days, must have been 28 of the mo.  He rem. to Barnstable with a large part of his flock, 11 Oct. 1639, and was held in honor to his d. 8 Nov. 1653.  His will, made 10 Aug. bef. provides for w. the eldest s. Thomas, and Benjamin, beside John, wh. was in Eng. and ds. Jane and Barbara  Jane m. 8 Apr. 1635, says her f. Samuel Fuller; Barbara m. 19 July 1638, .... Emerson; and Abigail m. 7 Oct. 1657, James Clark.  It is much regretted that no better acco. of this eminent confessor is obtaina. than a descend. of our days compil. in 2 Hist. Coll. I. 163, for in Mather nothing but his name in the list is giv. Ch. beside those already nam. were his sec. and third s. Samuel and Joseph, both brot. from Eng."

b. ibid.: pgs. 119-22.
      "THOMAS, Barnstable, eldest s. of Rev. John, b. in Eng. join. his f.'s ch. 14 May 1637, m. 11 Dec. 1639, Sarah, wid. of Thomas Ewer of Charlestown, d. of William Larned, had Mary, bapt. 4 Oct. 1640; Hannah, b. 18 Oct. 1642; Thomas, bapt. 7 July 1644; Meletiah, 22 Nov. 1646; and Bethia, 22 July 1649, wh. m. July 1668, John Hinckley; Mary m. Dec. 1656, the first John Stearns, as his sec. w. and next, 6 May 1669, capt. William French, both of Billerica, and 3d in 1684, Isaac Mixer of Watertown, as his 3d w. He sw. in a depon. of 4 Apr. 1701, that he was 'a. 80 yrs. of age.'"
      "SAMUEL, New London, s. of Rev. John, b. in Eng. one of the first sett. 1648, had m. at Barnstable, 28 Nov. 1644, as his f. tells, Elizabeth Scudder (sis. I suppose, of John), had John, bapt. at Boston, in right of his mo. 7 Dec. 1645. This discov. of the meaning of our ch. rec. wh. is strange. confused, aft. being by me some three or four yrs. given over, may encourage other explorers not to despair. He was of high esteem, rem. to Norwich 1668, had by w. Abigail, m. 1692 (wh. long outliv. him, and was 100 yrs. old 13 Jan. 1733, when in her room, at the ho. of her s. a sermon was preach.) no ch. of course, as she was sixty yrs. old when m. By the first w. were nine ch. five ds. and the other s. were Samuel, 1660; Israel, 1659; and
Joseph, 1661; as ment. by Miss Caulkins in her Hist. of N.  Of the five ds. I kn. only Elizabeth wh. m. 15 Dec. 1669, Isaac Royce of New London; and Ann, wh. m. William Hough, sec. of N. and d. 19 Nov. 1745. He d. 19 Feb. 1701."
      "JOSEPH, Barnstable, s. of the first John, b. in London, perhaps, certain. in Eng. m. 11 Dec. 1650, Mary Ansell, had a ch. b. 19 Nov. 1651, bur. next day; Joseph, 3 Dec. 1662, d. at 24 yrs.; Mary, 22 Mar. 1654; Benjamin, 25 July 1657; Elizabeth 18 Sept. 1659; John, 28 Nov. 1661, d. at two yrs.; Samuel, 17 Mar. 1664; John, again, 7 Aug. 1666; Barnabas, 24 Feb. 1669; Hope, 15 July 1671; Thomas, 6 Jan. 1674; and Hannah, 23 Jan. 1676, d. at 5 yrs.  He was rep. 1667, and for eleven yrs. aft. Mary m. 16 Jan. 1674, Edward Crowell; and Elizabeth m. 29 Dec. 1680, Thomas Fuller."
      "BENJAMIN, Barnstable, br. of the preced. b. prob. in Eng. rem. to Charlestown, had w. Martha, and ds. Martha, b. 3 Nov. 1652; Hannah, 15 Sept. 1655; and Benjamin; all bapt. 5 Aug. 1660; Mary, bapt. 9 June 1661; Sarah, b. 10, bapt. 17 Apr. 1664, d. soon; Elizabeth bapt. 21 May 1665; Rebecca, 14, bapt. 18 Nov. 1666; Mercy, 17, bapt. 18 Dec. 1670; and John, 15, bapt. 21 July 1672, d. young. Of the ds. Martha m. 2 Dec. 1669. John Goodwin, and was mo. of the four ch. wh. plagued Cotton Mather; Mary m. 21 May 1679, William Brown; and Hannah m. 21 Aug. 1679, Henry Swain; was a householder 1658 and 1678, aft. the gr. Ind. war, when he was a soldier in capt. William Turner's comp. 1676 at Hatfield, unless that soldier was his neph. s. of Joseph, as seems more prob. the same being in the list call. jr. d. 3 July 1691."
      "BARNABAS, Barnstable, s. of Rev. John, m. Plymouth rec. says, 3 Nov. or as ano. report is, 1 Dec. 1658, Susanna, d. of Thomas Clark, had John, b. 7 Oct. 1659, d. bef. 7 yrs.; Abigail, 18 Dec. 1669; Barnabas, 22 Mar. 1663; Susanna, Feb. 1665; Nathaniel, 23 Nov. 1669; Bathshua, 25 June 1671; Ann, 10 Aug. 1673; Thomas, 7 Mar. 1675, d. at mos.; Mercy, 27 June 1676, d. at one yr.; Thankful, bapt. 16 Sept. 1683; James, 30 Mar. 1684; and Samuel, 14 June 1685; was six yrs. a rep. also an Assist. of the Col. of Plymouth, named a counsellor in the new Province Chart. by Increase Mather, and rechosen; m. sec. w. 15 Nov. 1698, Abigail, wid. of Joseph Dudson, d. of Robert Button and d. 1715, in 79th yr."
      "JOHN, Barnstable, youngest s. of the preced. m. 3 Jan. 1672, at Plymouth, Mary Cole, junr. had John, b. 5 Aug. 1673; Mary, 27 Oct. 1675; Martha, 11 Nov. 1677; Elizabeth 16 Sept. 1679; James, 3 July 1681; Hannah, 13 Mar. 1683; Jonathan, 14 Nov. 1684; Barnabas, 22 Oct. 1686; Abigail, 23 Apr. bapt. 12 May 1689; and Experience, 7 Jan. bapt. 10 May 1692; and, perhaps, others; and he d. 17 Sept. 1727, in 85th yr. wh. proves that he was b. at Barnstable, unless fig. err."
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3a. Elijah Baldwin Huntington, A genealogical memoir of the Lo-Lathrop family in this country: embracing the descendants, as far as known, of the Rev. John Lothropp, privately published by Julia M. Huntington, Ridgefield, CT, 1884: pgs. 23-35.
      "John LOTHROPP, for this is the form in which he wrote his name, deserves, in this work, a much more complete biography than our sources of information will furnish.  Of printed materials towards such a biography, we have but very few, and these very meager.  Neal's 'History of the Puritans'; Gov. Winthrop's 'Journal'; Morton's 'New England Memorial'; a 'Biographical Sketch' written by Rev. John Lathrop, D.D., of Boston, for his kinsman of the Lathrop blood, Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D., of Charlestown and that brief but just sketch in Dr. Sprague's 'Annals of the American Pulpit,' and Mr. Otis' quite exhaustive collections printed in the Yarmouth paper, will exhaust the list.  A few gleanings from English records, before his immigration to America, and a few from, American records after that date, must complete the story as we are now able to tell it.
      Baptized, as our English record shows, in Etton, Yorkshire Dec. 20, 1584 he was educated, not in Oxford as Dr. Lathrop's sketch supposes, but in Queen's College. Cambridge, where he was matriculated in 1601, graduated B. A. in 1605, and M. A. in 1609.  (Actually, the is good evidence that he began at Oxford and finished at Cambridge)
      Authentic records next locate him in Egerton, 48 miles southeast from London, in the Lower Half hundred of Calehill, Lathe of Scray, County of Kent, as curate of the parish church there.  To this living he was admitted about 1611 by the Dean and Chapter of St Paul.  Our baptismal records, already given show that he was there in the fall of 1614, and last report his family there in the fall of 1619.  It was probably his first and only parish charge as a minister of the English Church.  That he was an an acceptable minister we have no reason to doubt.  The church in which he officiated was an ancient structure, standing on the summit of a rounded hill, and could be seen from a great distance.  The site was very beautiful; the church itself, dedicated to St. James, consisted of two aisles and a chancel.  At the west end rose its square tower with a beacon turret, altogether constituting a feature which gives a charm to so many a pleasant English landscape.
      Here Mr. Lothropp labored faithfully as long as his judgment could approve the ritual and government of the Church.  But when he could no longer do this, we find him conscientiously renouncing his orders, and asserting the right of still fulfilling a ministry to which his heart and his conscience had called him."
      "The date of his leaving Egerton is 1623, and the next year he is called to succeed the Rev. Henry Jacob, an independent minister who, having been for eight years the pastor of the First Independent Church in London, resigned his place to remove to Virginia.  This church, at that date, was situated on Union St., Southwark, and from the burial lot attached to it, was still later known as the Deadman's Place.  Not a vestige now remains above ground to show the locality.  One single stone, still buried, or which certainly was lying buried July 20, 1872, when I visited the spot, beneath the rubbish and earth in the rear yard of ----- Barclay & Perkins great brewery will yet testify for that old house.  At that date the congregation of dissenters to which he ministered had no place of public worship, their worship itself being illegal.  Only such as could meet the obloquy and risk the danger of worshiping God in violation of human statute were likely to be found in that secret gathering.  Yet in goodly numbers, in such places in Southwark as they could stealthily occupy, they held together and were comforted and instructed by the minister of their choice.  For not less than eight years they so worshiped.  No threats of vengeance deterred, and no vigilance of officious ministers of the violated law detected them.  More watchful grew the minions of Laud.  Keen-scented Church hounds traversed all the narrow ways of the city whose most secret nooks could by any possibility admit even a small company of the outlaws.  One of the wiliest of these pursuivants of the bishop, Tomlinson by name, tracked Mr. Lothropp and his followers to their retreat.  They had met for worship as had been their wont, little thinking that it would be their last gathering with their beloved minister.  How far they had gone in their service we shall probably never know.  What words of cheer they had spoken or heard we may not repeat.  Their private sanctuary, a room in the, house of Mr. Humphrey Barnet, a brewer's clerk in Black Friars, is suddenly invaded.  Tomlinson and his ruffian band, with a show of power above their resistance, sieze forty two of their number, allowing only eighteen of them to escape, and make that 22d day of April, 1632, forever memorable to those suffering Christians, by handing them over in fetters to the executioners of a law which was made for godly men to break.  In the old Clink prison, in Newgate, and in the Gatehouse, all made for felons, these men, 'of whom the world was not worthy,' lingered for months.  In the spring of 1634, all but Mr. Lothropp were released on bail.  He, their leader, the chief offender, was deemed too dangerous to be set at liberty."
      "During these months a fatal sickness was preying upon his wife, and bringing her fast toward her end.  The 'New England's Memorial,' by Nathaniel Morton, published in 1669, and then near enough the date of the incidents given, to be a credible witness, gives us these touching incidents of that imprisonment ... "
      "The State Papers in the New Record Office, Fetter Lane, London, have preserved some of the Star Chamber records of those days during which Mr. Lothropp was thus imprisoned.  The following copies from these records will tell their own story:

      'June 12, 1634.  John Lathrop of Lambeth Marsh. Bond to be certified, and be attached if he appear not on next court day.
      'June 19.  Bond ordered to be certified and to be attached for non-appearance.
      'Oct. 9.  John Lathrop and Samuel Eaton, to be attached for non-appearance. (By this time Rev. Lothrop was in New England)
      '1634-5, Feb. 19.  John Lathrop and Sam. Eaton for contempt in not appearing to answer touching their keeping conventicles, their bonds ordered to be certified and they attached and committed.
      '1634, Apr. 24.  John Lathrop enlarged on bond to appear in Trinity term, and not to be present at any private conventicles.'

This last record (taken out of sequence; it obviously precedes June 12th) was probably the order of the court which opened the way for the escape of Mr. Lathrop to America."
      "The record (of his arrival in Boston) is found on page 71 of Gov. Winthrop's Journal, under date of Sept. 18, 1634:"
      "On reaching Boston with that portion of his London flock who had accompanied him, he found already the preparations begun to welcome him to a new home in Scituate.  At least nine pioneers had built their houses in that new settlement, and to it, with such of his people as were ready to accompany him, he repaired Sept. 27, 1634.  Sometime near the end of September he makes an entry in the private journal to preserve the names of those pioneers who had so prepared the way before him.  Their names, Hatherly, Cudworth, Gillson, Anniball, Rowlyes, Turner, Cobbes, Hewes, and Foster, show them to have been mainly London and Kent men; and would suggest that they had known of Mr. Lothropp's previous career and had called him to come among them as their minister.  A letter, written in December by one of them, James Cudworth, to the Rev. Dr. John Stoughton, of St. Mary's Church, Aldermanbury, London, confirms this supposition.  In referring to the unsettled plantations near Boston, of which he names three, Duxbury, Scituate, and Bear Cove, he then speaks of the second:

'Oures, Cittewate, to whom the Lord has bine verey gracious, & his p'vidence has bine Admoralely sene oure beyenge to bringe vs oure Pastor, whome wee so longe expected Mr Lathorpe, who the Lord has brought to vs in safety, whome wee finde to bee a holy, Reuerat & heuenly minded man,'

This shows that in some sort the new home and field of ministerial labor had been already prepared for Mr. Lothroppe at Scituate."
      "The following record, preserved for us in the handwriting of the Scituate pioneer (Rev. Lothropp), is perhaps the only record extant regarding his call and settlement in the ministry at Scituate:

'Jann: 19, 1634, att my house, uppon wch day I was chosen Pastour and invested into office.'"
"'Touching the congregation (& church) of Christ collected att Scituate.  The 28 of September, 1634, being the Lord's day, I came to Scituate the night before & on the Lord's day spent my first Labours, Forenoon & Afternoon.
'Upon the 23 of Novemb. 1634 or Breathren of Situate that were members at Plimouth were dismissed from their membershipp, in case they joyned in a body att Situate.
'Upon January 8, 1634 (O. S.) Wee had a day of humilation & and then att night joyned in covenaunt togeather.  So many of us as had beene in Covenaunt before.'

Then follow the names of eight brethren and the wives of four of them, and the eleventh, ' myselfe,' shows that this pioneer minister at Scituate counted himself as one of the infant church, which he was called to serve.
      That Mr. Lathrop was still a widower at this date is probable from the manner in which his own record is made.  But that he soon married again is shown by the records of his church, made by himself in 1635.  Record No. 25 gives us this knowledge: 'My wife and Brother Foxwell's wife joyned having their dismission from elsewhere, June 14, 1635.'  Who this second wife was we shall not probably be able to learn, save that that her Christian name was Anna.  That she was the mother of all of his children born in this country is doubtless true."
      "The settlement at Scituate was increased by a large addition in the summer of 1635, mainly by a new immigration from Kent.  The worship of the people had thus far been held in the house of Mr. Cudworth.  On Monday, Jan. 29, 1635, a meeting was held in Mr. Lothropp's house, a meeting for humiliation and prayer.  In that private dwelling, by the votes of the brethren assembled, Mr. Lothropp was formally chosen the minister of the place, and by the laying on of their hands he was, as he fully believed, in true Apostolic manner once more inducted into the pastoral office.
      Down to Nov. 11, 1638, Mr. Lothropp had entered on this record sixty two names, and among them from his own family circle the following:

No. 36 and 37.  Isaac Robinson & My Sonn Fuller joyned having their Letters dismissive from the church at Plimouth unto us Novemb. 7, 1636.
No. 51.  My Sonn Thomas Lothropp joyned May 4, 1637.
No. 60 & 61.  My Brother Robert Linnell & his wife having a letter of dismission from the church in London joyned to us, Septemb. 16, 1638."

      "On his consenting to settle in Scituate, the court granted him a farm, which their committee laid out, according to Mr. Deane, on the southeast side of Coleman's hill.  It was 'nigh the first Herring brook when it approaches nearest to the Sand hills; bounded by Josiah Chickett's land west, by John Hewes' land &  the high way south, & by Humphrey Turner's east.'  He was also assigned shares in the New Harbor Marshes between his house and the North river.
      Though welcomed to this field by some who must have known him in England, and who probably had been his parishioners there, we learn from Mr. Deane that his ministry in Scituate 'was not prosecuted with great success or in much peace.'  The principal reason assigned for his early removal to Barnstable has been the difference between himself and some of his people on the question of baptism.  While this or some other cause of alienation in the church is most apparent in the records which he left, another ground of dissatisfaction at Scituate, is the only one formally named in the letters which follow (see Otis below), and which are here introduced for the two-fold purpose of explaining the removal which so soon followed the settlement, and also to preserve the only authentic document from his pen--excepting the church records--now known to the author to exist."
      "Mr. Lothropp died in Barnstable, Nov. 8, 1653, the last entry on his church records in his own hand having been made June 15, 1653.
      A will was made by him which he failed of signing, though it was, without objection, admitted to probate.  Letters of administration were however granted March 7, 1653-4 to 'Mrs. Laythorpe,' and Mr. Thomas Prence was 'appointed and requested by the court to take oath unto the estate at home.'
      The following, is a memoranda of the will as left by Mr. Lothropp:

'To my wife my new dwelling house.  To my oldest son Thomas, the house in which I first lived in Barnstable.  To my son John in England, and Benjamin here, each a cow and £5.  Daughter Jane and Barbara have had their portions already.  To the rest of the children, both mine and my wife's, each a cow.  To each child one book, to be chosen according to their ages.  The rest of my library to be sold to any honest man who can tell how to use it, and the proceeds to be divided,' etc.

The inventory estimates the rest of the Library to be worth £5."

b. ibid.: pg. 5.
     "From Col. Chester's Oxford Matriculations the following two records are taken.

LATHORPPE, CHRISTOPHER, June 19, 1607, at Baliol College, his father being a plebeian, and he 16 years of age.
LOWTHROPPE, JOHN, Oct. 15, 1602, at Christ Church College, his father being a plebeian of York, and he 16 years of age.

It is probably the second of these two matriculations, which led to the mistake so often repeated in print, regarding the graduation of Rev. John, the American pioneer, from Christ Church College, Oxford."  Huntington obviously thought that the second record had been erroneously associated with Rev. John Lothropp; however, it was, indeed, most likely a reference to him.
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4. Amos Otis revised by C. F. Swift, Genealogical Notes of Barnstable Families, Vol. II, F. B. & F. P. Goss, Publishers and Printers, Barnstable, MA, 1890: pgs. 170-5, 185-7, 191-208, & 210.
     "Of the early life of Mr. Lothrop little is known.  I have been unable to ascertain the year of his birth, the place of his nativity, or the school at which he was educated.  The Rev. Dr. John Lothrop, late of Boston, in a memoir published in the first volume of the second series of the Mass. Historical Society's publications, says that there is 'no doubt that Oxford was the place of Mr. Lothrop's public education.'  He refers to Wood's Athenae et Fasti Oxonienses, published in 1691, as his authority.  Wood professes to record the names of those 'who have been admitted to one of two academical degree of degrees, in the ancient and most famous university of Oxford.'  He names 'Mr. John Lothrop,' not however in the list of those educated at that university.  Mr. Savage, who has given much attention to the subject, and has personally examined the records of several of the colleges, says tradition is the authority for the statement that Mr. Lothrop was educated at Oxford.  Deane, in his history of Scituate, states that Mr. Lothrop was educated at Oxford.  He relied on Dr. Lothrop as his authority, who evidently mistakes the meaning of the passage in Wood's Fasti.*
      The ancestor of the family wrote his name John Lothropp.  All his sons omitted the final p.  His son Samuel sometimes wrote his name Lathrop, and many of his descendants in Connecticut and Western Massachusetts so spell the name.  In the records we find the name written Lathropp, Lothrop, Lathrop, Laythrop, and Lawthrop.  In Wood's Fasti the name is written Lathrop and Lowthrope.#  Calamy, Neal, Crosley, Winthrop and Prince, write the name Lathrop."

"*I feel confident, after a careful examination of the authorities on which Dr. Lothrop and Rev. Mr. Deane relied, that the Rev. John Lothrop, of Barnstable, was not educated at Oxford.  Christ's College, Cambridge was probably his alma mater.
#Dr. Lothrop says Lathrop.  I find the name also written by Wood, Laythrope."

     "After Mr. Lothrop had graduated from his College he took holy orders, and was settled in the ministry at Egerton, in the County of Kent, about fifteen miles from the city of London.  He was married as early as 1620 and it is probable that he had been ordained at least five years when he renounced holy orders, and separated himself from the church of England.
      In 1624 Mr. Lothrop removed to London, and was chosen the successor of the Rev. Henry Jacob, the first pastor of the first Independent or Congregationalist Society in London.  Wood, speaking of Mr. Jacob, says he 'was a Kentish man, born in 1563, entered a commoner in Saint Maries Hall 1579, aged 16; took the degree in arts and holy orders, and became beneficed in his own country.  He was a person most excellently well read in theological authors, but withal a most zealous puritan; or, as his son Henry used to say, the first Independent in England.'  The historian adds, 'Henry Jacob, educated in the low countries under Thomas Erpenius, the famous critick, was actually created Bachelor of Arts by virtue of the letters of the chancellors of the university, written in his behalf.  He was soon after elected probationer fellow of Merton College, and is hereafter most deservedly to be inserted among the writers in the 2d volume of this work.' [Athenoe et Fasti Oaxen.]
      He was one of the puritans who fled from the persecution of Bishop Bancroft.  At Leyden Mr. Jacob conferred with Mr. Robinson, and embraced his peculiar sentiments of church discipline, since known by the name of Independency.  In 1616 he returned to England, and Mr. Neal in his history of the Puritans infers that he imparted his design of setting up a separate congregation, like those in Holland, to the most learned puritans of those times, it was not condemned as unlawful, considering that there was no prospect of a national reformation.  Mr. Jacob having summoned several of his friends together, and obtained their consent to unite in church fellowship for enjoying the ordinances of Christ in the purest manner, they laid the foundation of the first Independent or Congregational church in England.'
      This statement of Mr. Neal is perhaps not historically exact.  There were Independents in England as early as the time of Wickliffe.  The first Independent Church organized in England was that at Scrooby, by Bradford, Brewster, Robinson and others, in 1606.  As this church consisted only of a few members, and in a few years after its organization removed to Leyden, perhaps it is not entitled to the honor of being called the first in England; certainly not if permanency is considered an element in arriving at a right conclusion.  Mr. Neal knew the history of the Scrooby church, yet did not consider it entitled to the honor of being called the the first.  This is an interesting fact, because many of the members of the Barnstable church had been members of the church in Southwalk, London.  Mr. Jacob had resided some at Leyden prior to the year 1616, and was familiar with the discipline and government of Mr. Robinson's church, and adopted its forms and its covenant in the organization of the church in London.
      When in 1620 a part of the church at Leyden removed to Plymouth, they carried with them the old Scrooby covenant, and recognized the form of church government adopted by the Independents in Holland and England.  The famous compact drawn up and signed on board the Mayflower, called by eminent legislators the first written constitution, was borrowed from this church organization with some slight variations to adapt it to their wants as a civil community.  The first church in Salem, in Charlestown, the second in Boston, the Scituate and Barnstable churches, had essentially the same covenant.  Very few of the first settlers of the Massachusetts Colony had belonged to Independent churches in England or Holland.  The large majority were Separatists or Puritans, as nick-named by their opponents.  There was, however, little difference between them in matters of faith and practice.  The Plymouth people were more Catholic, more tolerant to those who differed from them in opinion.
      Neal thus describes the manner in which the first Independent Church was formed in London.  'Having observed a day of solemn fasting and prayer for a blessing upon their undertaking towards the close of the solemnity, each of them made open confession of his faith in our Lord Jesus Christ; then standing together they joined hands, and solemnly covenanted with each other in the presence of Almighty God, to walk together in all God's ways and ordinances, according as he had already revealed, or should further make known to them.'
      'Mr. Jacob was then chosen pastor by the suffrage of the brotherhood, and others were appointed to the office of deacons, with fasting and prayer, and imposition of hands.'  Mr. Jacob continued with his people about eight years; but in the year 1624, being desirous to enlarge his usefulness, he went with their consent to Virginia, where he soon after died.
      Upon the departure of Mr. Jacob the church chose Mr. Lothrop pastor.  Mr. Jacob was the first pastor of the first Independent Church in England, Mr. Lothrop the second.  The early writers do not furnish an account of the exercises at the installation of Mr. Lothrop; but the presumption is that he was inducted into office as Mr. Jacob was, and as he subsequently was at Scituate, by the election of the brethren, by fasting, by prayer, and by the imposition of hands."
     "Mr. Lothrop was pastor of the London church eight years.  He was a man of learning, of a meek and quiet spirit, toleratnt in his opinions, ever treating those who differed from him with kindness and respect."
     "April 29, 1632, Mr. Neal states that Mr. Lothrop's congregation was discovered by Tomlinson, the Bishop's pursuevant, at the house of Humphrey Barnet, a Brewer's clerk in Black Fryers, where forty-two of them were apprehended, and only eighteen escaped.  Of those taken some were confined in the clink, others in New Prison and the Gate House, where they continued about two years, and were then released on bail, except Mr. Lothrop, for whom no favor could be obtained; he therefore petitioned the King (Charles I, Archbishop Laud, having refused every favor,) for liberty to depart from the Kingdom, which was granted."
     "Mr. Lothrop arrived in Boston Sept. 18, 1634, O. S., and soon after he and most, if not all those who came over with him went to Scituate, where there was a small settlement of his old friends, who welcomed him and invited him to become their pastor.  No permanent settlement appears to have been made in Scituate before 1633 or 4.  There is a deed on record by which it appears that lands had been enclosed there as early as 1628.  Mr. Lothrop furnishes a list of houses, and gives the dates when built. This is an authenic and reliable document.  He says that when he came to Scituate 'about the end of Sept. 1634,' only nine houses had been erected, 'all small plaine pallizadoe Houses.'"
     "Many of those (associated with Rev. Lothrop in England) who had settled in other parts of the Colony sold out soon after and removed to Scituate, to enjoy the preaching of their old pastor.  Many came over from Sandwich in 1635 and settled at Scituate.  We here see the cause of the rapid growth of the town in 1635 adn 6, and the reason why the place soon became 'too straite for their accomodation.'"
     "From the time Mr. Lothrop came to October (1636), a period of two years, there were thirty-one houses built, and in 1637 nine, making the whole number of dwelling houses fifty-six."
     "He could most truly say his house in Scituate was 'meane.'  The walls were made of poles filled between with stones and clay, the roof thatched, the chimney to the mantle of rough stone, and above of cob-work, the windows of oiled paper, and the floors of hand sawed palnks.  Mr. Lothrop elsewhere calls such structures booths, and says they were open and cold, and in winter a high piled fire had constantly to be kept burning.  All the houses in the village were alike--there was no opening for pride to claim supremacy.  Mr. Lothrop believed that every event of life is ordained of God for good,--he was therefore content, and the two years that he dwelt under a thatched roof was perhaps the happiest period of a well spent life."
     "Nov. 6, Dec. 25, and Jan. 8, 1634, O. S., were set apart as 'days of humiliation.'  No meeting house had been built, and the meetings were held at Mr. Cudworth's house.  To organize a church was the object of those meetings.  Jan. 8, as the preceding fast days had been, was spent in humbling themselves before God in prayer, and at night thirteen who 'had been in covenaunt before, joyned in covenaunt together.'
     Monday, Jan. 19, 1634, O. S., January 29, 1635, N. S., was also set apart as a day of humilation at Mr. Lothrop's house.  Seventeen had then joined in church covenant--eleven male and six female members.  Eight of the eleven were householders when Mr. Lothrop came to Scituate, and the other three were himself, Samuel House (his brother-in-law), who probably came over with him, and Richard Foxwell, who came to Massachusetts in 1630.  At this meeting John Lothrop 'was chosen pastor by the votes of the brethren, and by them inveted into office.'"
     "The congregation had at this time (1636) so largely increased that there was no building in town sufficiently spacious for its accomodation.  Notwithstanding their poverty, and the scarcity that prevailed, they resolved to build a meeting house.  On the 2d and 3d days of August the frame was raised, and it was completed and dedicated Thursday, Nov. 10, 1636.  The following day a fast was held at the meeting house 'for a blessing upon their consultaton aboute the Lawes for settling the State of this Patent."
     Connected with the last record there is a statement that some difference of opinion existed among the members, which were by the mercy of God reconciled April 27, 1637.  On what subject the members differed is not stated (but Otis continues and concludes that conflict arose over pasture and winter fodder for livestock, in contrast to other historians that propose a doctrinal dispute over baptism.)"
     "Dec. 22, 1636, the first Thanksgiving day was celebrated.  The exercises at the Meeting House, and subsequently at the homes of his people, are thus noted in the church records: ..."
     "Oct. 26, 1637, another day of thanksgiving was held.  The exercises at the Meeting House were the same as on the previous year. ... After the service the poorer were invited to dine with the richer, and make themselves merry.
     Fast days continued to be held from time to time. June 22, 1637, ... Feb. 22, 1637-9."
     "In 1638 the Colony Court granted the lands at Sipican, now Rochester, to several members of Mr. Lothrop's church, where he and a majority of his people proposed to remove, and form a town.  Feb. 22 of that year was a fast day appointed by the church, the especial object being to take measures respecting the removal to Sipican.  The matter is not named again in the church records till January 23, 1638-9, where after a season of humiliation and prayer it was agreed, that those who had resolved to remove to Sipican be divided into three companies 'in this service for preventing of exceptions.'  They elected their town committees to have the care and direction of the settlement, to make orders to be observed in beginning of the settlement, and for the after management of its affairs.  They also sought the guidance of God to procure more spiritual help for those who were about to remove, and also for their brethren who were to remain in Scituate.
     The summer of the year 1639 was very dry, and partly on that account a day of humiliation was observed June 13, O. S.  They prayed that God would direct and provide for them, being 'in the point of remoueall.'  The place to which they were about to remove is not named, but Mattakeese was undoubtedly intended; for on the 26th of the same month a fast was held 'For the presence of God to goe with us to Mattakeese.'
     In the latter part of 1637, or beginning of 1638, the date is not given on the colony records, the lands at Mattakeese were granted to Mr. Richard Collicut, and a company, mostly from the town of Dorchester.  Mr. Collicut was engaged in the service of the Massachusetts Colony, and was prevented from giving hos personal attention to the settlement of the town.  The Plymouth Colony Court became impatient at the long delay, voted that if Mr. Collicut and his associates did not organize a town before the June Court, 1639, the lands would be granted to other associates.  At the assembling of the June Court no town had been organized, and June 4, O. S., 14th new, Mattakeese was incorporated as a town and named Barnstable, and the lands granted to Rev. Joseph Hull and Elder Thomas Dimmock, as a committee of their associates.  At that time there were about fifteen families settled in the town.  The fact that the Plymouth Court was impatient on account of the delay of Mr. Collicut was well known to Mr. Lothrop in the spring of 1639, in fact a number of families from Scituate had then removed to Mattakeese, and as the extensive salt meadows at the latter place made it a more desirable residence than Sippican, Mr. Lothrop and his people changed their purpose very soon after the meeting held Jan. 23, 1638-9.
     The following letters of Mr. Lothrop to Gov. Prence were preserved among Mr. Winslow's papers.  No especial care appears to have been taken in their preparation.  They are interesting documents relative to the early history of Barnstable, and the best specimens preserved of Mr. Lothrop's style of writing:   FIRST LETTER

'To the right worthy and much-honoured Mr. Prince, our endearoured governor of Plymouth,--Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplyed.
My dear and pretious
      Esteemed with the highest esteeme and respect, above every other particular in these territoryes: being now in the roome of God, and by him that is the God of gods, deputed as a god on earth unto us, in respect of princely function and calling.  Unto whom wee ingeniously confesse all condigne and humble service from us to bee most due.  And if we knowe our hearts, you have our hearts, and our best wishes for you.  As Peter said in another case, doe wee in this particular say, it is good for us to be heere: (wee mean under this septer and government) under which wee can bee best content to live and dye.  And if it bee possible we would have nothing for to separate us from you, unless it be death.  Our souls (I speak in regard of many of us) are firmely lincked unto your worthy self, and unto many, the Lord's worthyes with you.  Wee shall ever account your advancement ours.  And I hope through grace, both by prayer and practice, wee shall endeavour to our best abilitye, to advance both the throne of our civill dignitye, and the kingly throne of Christ, in the severall administrations thereof in the midst of you.  Hereunto (the truth is) we can have no firmer obligation, than the straite and stronge tyes of the gospell.  If we had no more, this would alwayes bee enough to binde us close in discharge of all willing and faithful duetye both unto you and likewise unto all the Lord's annointed ones with you.  But seeing over and above, out of your gratious dispositions (thro' the grace and mercy of the Highest) you are pleased to sett your faces of favour more towards us, (though a poor and contemptable people) than towards any other particular people whatsoever, that is a people distinct from yourselves.  As wee have had good and cleare experience hereof before, and that from tyme to tyme; see wee now againe in the renewed commiseration towards us, as most affectionate nurseing fathers, being exceeding willing and readye to gratifye us, even to our best content, in the point of removall; Wee being incapacitated thereunto, and that in divers weighty considerations, some, if not all of which, are well known bothe to yourselfe, and to others with you.  Now your love being to us transcendent, passing the love you have shewn to any without you, wee can soe much the more, as indebted unto our good God in praises, soe unto yourselves in services.  We will ever sett downe in humble thankfullness in the perpetual memory of your exceeding kindnesse.  Now we stand stedfast in our resolution to remove our tents and pitch elsewhere, if wee cann see Jehovah going before us.  And in very deed, in our removeing, wee would have our principal ende, God's own glorye, our Sion's better peace and prosperitye, and the sweet and happie regiment of the Prince of our Salvation more jointly imbraced, and more fully exalted.  And if externall comfortable conveniences as an overplus, shall bee cast in, according to the free promise of the Lord, wee trust then, as wee shall receive more compleate comfort from him, soe he shall receive more compleate honour by us: for which purpose we humbly crave, as the fervencye of your devotions, soe the constancye of your wonted christian endeavours.  And being fully perswaded of your best assistance herein, as well in the one as in the other, wee will labour to wait at the throne of grace, expecting that issue that the Lord shall deeme best.
      In the intrim, with abundance of humble and unfeigned thankes on every hand on our parts remembered wee take our leave, remaining, obliged forever unto you, in all duety, and service.
      JOHN LOTHROPP.
From Scituate, the 28 of this 7th, month [September] 1638.  (Oct. 8, 1638, N. S.)

N. B.--Three names are subscribed beneath the name of Mr. Lothropp: Anthony Aniball, Henry Cobb, Isaac Robinson; to which are added the words, 'In behalf of the church.' [Superscribed thus:]   To the right worthy and much-reverenced Mr, Prince, Governor at Plimouth.   SECOND LETTER

'To the right worthy and much-reverenced, Mr. Prince, governor--Grace, mercy and peace be forever multiplied.
      Sundry circumstances of importance concurring towards the present state of myself and the people in covenant with me, presse me yett againe to sett pen to paper, to the end that the busyness in hand might with greater expedition be pressed forward, if it may be: not willing to leave any lawful means unattempted, that we are able to judge, to be the means of God, that soe we might have the more comfort to rest in the issue that God himselfe shall give in the use of his own means.  Yett I would be loth to be too much pressing herein, least the more haste on our part should occasion the less speed, or over-spurring, when by reason of abundance of freeness, there needs none at all, I should dishearten, and so procure some unwillingness.  But considering your godly wisdome in discerning our condition and presuming of your love unfeigned to us-ward, which cannot but effect a readiness on your part, in passing by and covering of our infirmitye, I am much emboldened, with all due reverence and respect, both to your place and person, to resalute you.
      The truth is, many greviances attend mee, from the which I would be freed, or att least have them mittigated, if the Lord see it good.  Yett would I raither with patience leave them, than to grieve or sadd any heart, whose heart ought not to be grieved by me, much lesse yours; whom I honour and regard with my soule, as I do that worthy instrument of God's honour, together with yourselfe, Mr. Bradford, because I am confident you make the advanceing of God's honour your chiefest honour.  And the raither I would not bee any meanes to grieve you, inasmuch as I conceive you want not meanes otherwise of grief enough.  But that I be not too tedious, and consequently too grievous.  The principal occasion of my present writing is this; Your worthy selfe, together with the rest joyned and assisting in government with you, much reverenced and esteemed of us, having gratiously and freely uppon our earnest and humble suites, granted and conferred a place for the transplanting of us, to the end God might have the more glorye and wee more comfort; both which wee have solidd grounds to induce us to believe will be effected: For the which free and most loveing grant, we both are and ever remain to bee, by the grace of the highest, abundantly thankeful.  Now here lyes the stone that some of the breathern here stumbel att; which happely is but imaginarye, and not reall and, then there will be no need of removeall.  And that is this, some of them, have certaine jelousies and fears that there is some privie undermineing and secrett plotting by some there, with some here, to hinder tile seasonable successe of the work in hand, to witt of out removeall by procuring a procrastination, in some kinde of project, to have the tyme deferred, that the conveniencye of the tyme of removeing beeing wore out before we can have free and cleare passage to remove, that soe wee might not remove att all.  But what some one particular happely with you, with some amongst us here, may attempt in this kinde for private and personal ends, I neither know, nor care, nor fear, forasmuch as I am fully perswaded that your endeared selfe, and Mr. Bradford, with the rest in general, to whom power in this behalfe belongeth, are sincerelye and firmelye for us, to expeditt and compleate the busyness as soon as may be, so that our travells and paines, our costs and charge, shall not be lost and in vaine herein, nor our hopes frustrated.  Now the trueth is, I have been the more willing to endite and present these feew lines, partly to wipe away any rumour that might bee any wayes raised upp of distrustfullness on our partes, especially, to clear my own innocencye of having any suspition herein; as alsoe to signifye since the place hath been granted and confirmed unto us; some of the breathren have sold their houses and lands here, and have put themselves out of all.  And others have put out their improved grounds to the half increase thereof, upon their undoubted expectation forthwith as it were to begin to build and plant in the new plantation.  Wherein if they should be disappointed, it would be a means to cast them into some great extremitye.  Wherefore lett me intreate and beseech you in the bowells of the Lord, without any offence, both in this respect, as also for other reasons of greater importance, which I will forbear to specifye: To do this further great curtesey for us, to make composition with the Indians for the place, and priviledges thereof in our behalfe, with that speed you cann; and wee will freely give satisfaction to them, and strive to bee the more enlarged in thankefulnesse to you.  I verily thinke wee shall never have any rest in our spiritts, to rest or stay here; and I suppose you thinke little * * otherwise, and am therefore the more confident that you will not neglect any opportunitye, that might make for our expedition herein.  I and some of the breathren have intreated our brother John Coake, who is with you, and of you, a member of your congregation, to bee the best furtherance in such occasions, as either doe or may concerne us, as possibly he may or cann, who hath alsoe promised unto us his best service herein.  Thus wishing and praying, for your greatest prosperitye every wayes, I humbly take my leave.
      Remaining to be at your command and service in the Lord.
      JOHN LOTHROPP.
From Scituate, Feb. 18, 1638.  (Feb. 28, 1639 N. S.)

[Superscribed thus.]  To the right worthy and much-honored Governor Prince, att his house in Plimouth.  Give these I pray."
     "On the 29th of June, 1639, O. S., (July 9, new), the pioneer company left Scituate for Mattakeset.  Their purpose in removing thus early was to secure a winter's supply of provender for their cattle, and to build houses for themselves, and for the larger company, who were to remain in Scituate till the annual crop had been secured.  Mattakeeset was incorporated as a town June 14, 1639, new style, and called Barnstable or Bastable, as the name was commonly pronounced and frequently written.  It received its name from Barnstaple in Devonshire in England, the port from whence many of the first settlers took their departure from their native land.  The English town is still called Barnstaple.  Capt. John Smith and many old writes uniformly spell the name Bastable, a circumstance that indicates that both names were originally the same.  The usage of more than two centuries has established a different orthography; which, if it were desirable, cannot now be changed."
     "The first Meeting House was built in 1646, and prior to that date the meeting were either held in private dwelling-houses or in the open air. Mr. Lothrop states in his records that the meeting on Sunday, May 26, 1644, was held in the open air."
     "The early settlers selected their houselots in places convenient to water, wood, and salt meadows, and usually set their dwellings in locations sheltered from the north and northwest winds.  They built two neighborhoods--one in the vicinity of Goodspeed's, now Meeting House Hill, and the other near Coggin's Pond.  The houselots were laid out in paralleograms, and contained from eight to twelve acres each."
     "A portion of the first settlers built, in 1639, substantial frame houses, one of which yet remains, the Goodspeed House, and Mr. Lothrop's also, built a few years after the settlement. ... No log houses were built, because the timber was not adapted to such use.  Saw mills had then been erected, and hand sawed lumber was not expensive.  Houses of one story about 20 feet square, with boarded walls, and a thatched roof, were put up for £5, equal to $20 in silver money."
     "Mr. Lothrop and a large company arrived in Barnstable Oct. 11, 1639, O. S., Oct. 21, new, bringing with then the crops which they had raised in Scituate.
     Though they had much to do to prepare for the winter, yet they did not forget their duty to God.  Oct. 31, 1639, O. S., was set apart as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer.  It was the first fast day observed in Barnstable, the special object whereof was, 'For the grace of our God to settle us here in church estate, and to unite us together in holy walking, and make us faithful in keeping Covenaunt w'th God and one to another.'"
     "On the 11th day of Dec. 1639, O. S., the first day of Thanksgiving was observed in Barnstable. ... The special object of the meeting was to give thanks to God for his exceeding mercy in bringing them safe to Barnstable, preserving their health in the weak beginnings, 'of their plantation and in their church estate.'"
     "During the first winter they had no lack of food.  Fish were abundant in the waters, wild game visited the coast in immense flocks, and the woods were filled with deer and other animals that tested the sportman's skill.  Of the forty-five families then in Barnstable not more than ten, probably not more than eight, had comfortable two story frame houses.  Three-fourths of the families occupied tenements that poorly shelterd them from the storms.
     Mr. Lothrop was no better provided for than the mass of his followers.  He built a small house where Eldridge's hotel now stands.  It was two stories high and a frame house, was occupied for many years.  During the first winter it was open and cold, and not so comfortable a residence as an ordinary barn at the present time.  Hills protected him from the cold northwest wind; but northeasters buffeted, in all their fury against his frail tenement."
     "Mr. Lothrop was as distinguished for his worldly wisdom as for his piety.  He was a good business man and so were all his sons.  Whenever one of the family pitched his tent, that spot soon became a center of business, and land in its vicinity appreciated in value.  It is the men that make a place, and Mr. Lothrop's in early times Barnstable was more indebted than to any other family."
     "The lands in the vicinity of Mr. Lothrop's house were low and damp, and had not been drained or cleared of bushes, and the people desired a drier and more central location.  Mr. Lothrop had a large family, and the meetings frequently held at his house were inconvenient, and the people desired that their pastor should have a larger and better residence.  It was, therefore, proposed that Mr. Lothrop should build a larger house in a pleasant location, and nearer the ten center of the settlement, with room sufficiently large to accomodate the members of the church at their meetings, and with the other rooms so arranged that all the lower floor could be occupied on the Sabbath.
     Mr. Lothrop's new house (built in 1644 and still standing) was 21 feet on the front or south side, and 29 feet on the east side.  The chimney was on the west side, the oven projecting outside of the wall.  The front posts were eleven feet high,* and the rear five and one-half feet, between the sill and the plate.  As the floors were laid even with the lower side of the sills, which were a foot square, the lower rooms were about 6 feet 6 inches in the clear, between the summer beam and the floor.  The framing of the front room corresponded with the height of the rear posts, consequently the front posts extended about three and one-half feet above the chamber floor, making a half story in front."

"*In some instances the rafters indicate that the low leantoe on the rear was a part of the original house; but this is not certain evidence, new rafters may have been put in when the (later) addition was made.  This is certain with regard to the William Allen house, where both sets now remain.  The style of the house of 1680 is outward the same as the remodled (sic - remodeled) house of the first settlers; but the two may be readily distinguished.  In the old house the front posts are spliced, while in the later built houses they are not."

     "Mr. Lothrop died on the year that the Colony Court ordered that each man's possessions should be bounded and recorded in the town's books, (1653.)  The earliest records, made in pursuance of the Court Order, were in 1654, the year following his decease.  In his will he names 'the house I first lived in, in Barnstable, with the ground belonging thereunto, and the marsh joyning to the lowere end thereof, which butts and bounds upon the creek northward.'  Also, 'the house where I now dwell, and the ground belonging therto, with the marsh land that lyeth on the east beside Rendevous Creek, and also my grant in the Commonfield.'  He also orders that his 'great lott, and his great marsh, shall be sold to some particular person.'"  (Barbara Joan Lathrop, "The Brown & Lathrop Family Home Page"; familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/l/a/t/Barbara-J-Lathrop, 2004.)
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5. "The Rawlinson MS. A 128, in the Bodleian Library (at Oxford University) records the proceedings of the Court of High Commission 1632 and gives an account of the prosecution of Rev. John Lothrop and his flock of Dissenters who met at a conventicle in the Blackfriars, London.  Among those arrested were Samuel Howes and his sister Penninah Howes, who was a sister-in-law of Mr. Lothrop.  Their examination is recorded as follows:
     'Samuel Howes!' saith the Kings Advocate, 'you are required by your oath to answere to the articles.'   Howes: 'I have served the King both by sea and by land, and I had been at sea if this restraint had not been made upon me.  My conversacon I thank God none can tax.'   Register (sic - Registrar): 'Will you take your oath?'   Howes: 'I am a young man and doe not know what the oath is.'   Kings Advocate: 'The King desires your service in obeying his lawes.'
     Then P[enninah] Howes was called and required to take her oath, but she refused.   London: 'Will you trust Mr. Latropp and believe him rather than the Church of England?'   Pennin: 'I referre myself to the Word of God, whether I maie take this oath or noe.'"  (Evelyn Beran; database - sanford-shulsen; worldconnect.genealogy.rootsweb.com, 2007.)
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6. "3 May 1632.  At a conventicle at the house of one Barnett, a brewer's clerk dwelling in Blackfriars, the minister was one John Latropp, and among those present were Pennina Howse an Sarah Barbon.  During the examination of Latropp [i.e., Rev. John Lothrop] by the Bishop of St. David's he was asked; 'Were you not Dr. King's, the Bishop of London's sizar at Oxford?  I take it you were.'  [Rev. John King, D. D., was made Dean of Christ Church College, Oxford, 5 Aug. 1605, and was Vice Chancellor of the University of Oxford, 1607-1610, and Bishop of London, 1611-1621.]  (Star Chamber Proceedings, Ecclesistical Division of the Court of High Commission. Cf. Register, vol. 69, p. 284.)"  (Barbara Pretzer; database - barbpretz; worldconnect.genealogy.rootsweb.com, 2007.)
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7. Nathaniel Morton, New-Englands memoriall: or, A brief relation of the most memorable and remarkable passages of the providence of God, manifested to the planters of New-England in America; with special reference to the first colony thereof, called New-Plimouth, Printed by S. G. and M. J. for John Usher of Boston, Cambridge, MA, 1669.  (Extensively reprinted: Nathaniel Morton, The New-England's memorial: or, A brief relation of the most memorable and remarkable passages of the providence of God manifested to the planters of New England, in America; with special reference to the first colony thereof, called New Plymouth, Reprinted by A. Danforth, Plymouth, MA, 1826; etc.)
      "Mr. Lothrop was some time preacher of God's word at Egerton, in Kent, from whence he went to London and was chosen pastor of a church of Christ there.  He was greatly troubled and imprisoned for witnessing against the errors of the times.  During the time of his imprisonment his wife fell sick, of which sickness she died.  He procured liberty of the Bishop to visit his wife before her death, and commended her to God in prayer, who soon after gave up the ghost.  At his return to prison his poor children, being many, repaired to the Bishop to Lambeth, and made known unto him their miserable condition by reason of their good father, his being confined in close durance; who commiserated their condition so far as to grant him liberty, who soon after came over into New England and settled some time at the town of Scituate, and was chosen pastor of their church, and faithfully dispensed the word of God amongst them.  And afterwards, the church dividing, a part whereof removed to Barnstable, he removed with them, and there remained until his death.  He was a man of a humble and broken heart and spirit, lively in dispensation of the word of God, studious of peace, furnished with godly contentment, willing to spend and to be spent for the cause of Christ.  He fell asleep in the Lord November 8, 1653."  This passage is cited in Otis' Genealogical Notes of Barnstable Families published in 1888 in which it is further reported that the author, Nathaniel Morton, was personally acquianted with Rev. Lothrop.
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8. James Kendall Hosmer (ed.), Winthrop's Journal, "History of New England," 1630-1649, C. Scribner's Sons, New York, NY, 1908: Vol. 1, pg. 170.
     Exerpt from Winthrop's Journal dated September 18, 1634:  "The Griffin and another ship now arriving with about 200 passangers; Mr. Lothrop and Mr. Sims, two godly ministers, coming in the same ship ... Mr. Lothrop had been a pastor of a private congregation in London, and for same kept for a long time in prison, upon refusal of the oath [of the established church] ex-officio, being in Boston upon a Sacrament day, after the sermon desired leave of the congregation to be present at the administration, but said he durst not desire to partake in it, being dismissed from his former congregation, and he thought it not fit to be suddenly admitted into any other for example sake, and because of the deceitfulness of man's heart."  (Patrick McDonald; database - pjmpjm; worldconnect.genealogy.rootsweb.com, 2007.)
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9. Charles Edward Banks, The Planters of the Commonwealth; a Study of the Emigrants and Emigration in Colonial Times, Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, MA, 1930: pg. 113.  (Republished by Genealogical Publishing Co., 1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, MD, 21202-3897, 1967.)
     "GRIFFIN.  This ship arrived at Boston September (18), with about 100 passengers and cattle for the plantations.
      Rev. JOHN LOTHROP from London (settled in) Scituate   Mrs. ... Lothrop   Thomas Lothrop   Samuel Lothrop   Joseph Lothrop   John Lothrop   Benjamin Lothrop   Jane Lothrop   Barbara Lothrop
      WILLIAM HUTCHINSON of Alford, county Lincoln (settled in) Boston   Mrs. Anne Hutchinson   Edward Hutchinson   Faith Hutchinson   Bridget Hutchinson   William Hutchinson   Samuel Hutchinson   Anne Hutchinson   Mary Hutchinson   Susanna Hutchinson
      Rev. ZACHARIAH SYMMES of Canterbury, county Kent (settled in) Charlestown   Mrs. Sarah Symmes   William Symmes   Mary Symmes   Elizabeth Symmes   Huldah Symmes   Hannah Symmes   Rebecca Symmes
      WILLIAM BARTHOLOMEW (settled in) Ipswich   Mrs. Mary Bartholomew
      NATHANIEL HEATON of Alford, county Lincoln (settled in) Boston   Mrs. Elizabeth Heaton   Samuel Heaton   Jabez Heaton   Leah Heaton   Mary Heaton
      THOMAS LYNDE of Dunstable, county Bedford (settled in) Charlestown   Mrs. Margaret Lynde   Thomas Lynde   Henry Lynde
      WILLIAM HAINES of Dunstable, county Bedford (settled in) Salem
      RICHARD HAINES of Dunstable, county Bedford (settled in) Salem"  (David Curtin, "Passenger List for the Griffin 1634", members.aol.com/dcurtin1/gene/grifin34.htm, 1998.)
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10. Clarence Almon Torrey, "New England Marriages Prior to 1700", manuscript.  (Republished by Genealogical Publishing Co., 1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, MD, 21202-3897, 1985 & 1992: pgs. 474-5.)
      "John Lothrop (1584-1653) & 2/wf ? Ann Hammond; ca 1635; Scituate/Barnstable"
      "John Lothrop (1644-1727) & 1/wf Mary Cole; 3 Jan 1671, 3 Jan 1671/2; Plymouth/Barnstable ... 2/wf Hannah (Morton) Fuller (-1714), w John; ca middle of Dec 1695, 9 Dec 1695; Barnstable"
      "Samuel Lothrop (-1700, 1701) & 2/wf Abigail Doane (1633?-1735 7/6) (she was 100, 13 Jan 1733); ca 1690-92, 1690; Norwich"
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11. Researchers have frequently identified John Lothropp's second wife as Anne, daughter of William Hammond of Watertown.  This would seem to be supported by a passage in church records of Scituate personally written down by Rev. Lothropp: "33. Elizabeth Hammon my Sister having a dismission from the church at Watertowne was joyned, April 14, 1636".  Of course, this usage merely reflects common seventeenth century customs that did not differentiate forms of address between between sister and sister-in-law and has been interpreted to imply that Elizabeth was the sister of Anne Lothropp.  However, instead of this relationship, Elizabeth Hammond's husband can be identified as Samuel Howse the brother of Lothropp's first wife, Hannah, and, hence, also John's sister-in-law.  (Samuel and Elizabeth seem to have married about this time or shortly before, which, is consistent with her joining the church at Scituate and also, perhaps, accounts for Rev. Lothropp's use of her maiden name.)  In particular, affirmation of a putative marriage between John Lothropp and widow Anne Hammond on February 17, 1636 (1637 N. S.) was advanced by Mr. Otis in his history and repeated in Dr. Roland Hammond's "Hammond Genealogy" of 1894.  Even so, later researchers including Donald Line Jacobus among others, considered the evidence unconvincing.  Indeed, a later Hammond genealogy shows Anne, daughter of William Hammond, to have married (1) Timothy Hawkins of Watertown who died in 1650 or 1651 and (2) Ellis Barron of Watertown.  Moreover, consistent with usual variation in the rendering of names characteristic of early colonial records, Barron was frequently written "Barnes", which, therefore, rather convincingly supports her identity as the "daughter Barnes", a widow with children, mentioned in the will of William Hammond made on July 1, 1662.  (Likewise, in the will, bequests were made to four children of  "my daughter, Elizabeth House, deceased".)  In any case, there is no mention of an Anne Lothropp in William Hammond's will, and, clearly, Anne who married John Lothropp was still living at that time and, as such, should have been included if she were, in fact, the testator's daughter.
      Alternatively, John Lothropp himself recorded that his wife joined the Scituate church on June 14, 1635, which clearly conflicts with Otis' presumption.  Moreover, on August 7, 1650, Rev. John Lothropp recorded that "a day of humiliation was declared in Barnstable church for the investing of my brother Dimmicke in to the office of an Elder" in reference to Thomas Dimmock, who is believed to have immigrated on the ship, "Hopewell", in 1635, first settled in Dorchester, and later removed to Barnstable about 1639.  Since, John Lothropp is not known to have had any siblings living in New England, this would clearly seem to imply that Thomas Dimmock was his brother-in-law, i.e., the brother of his wife, Anne.  Indeed, Jacobus and others have argued in favor of this conclusion.  Likewise, Wakefield, in his "Additions and Corrections to Torrey's Marriages", identifies her as Anne Dimmock.  In any case, Rev. John Lothropp and his second wife, Anne, had at least four surviving children, viz., Barnabas, John, Abigail, and Bathshua.  In addition, Savage also indicates two more (believed to be a daughter and son) that died shortly after birth.  In his will made on August 10, 1653, John Lothropp made bequests "To my wife, my new dwelling house ... to the rest of my Children both mine and my wives my will is that every of them shall have a Cow".  This clearly implies that this wife survived him, and that she may have been previously married. (unpublished notes)

a. Roland Hammond, A History and Genealogy of the Descendants of William Hammond of London, England, and his wife Elizabeth Penn, D. Clapp & son, printers, Boston, MA, 1894.

b. Frederick Stan Hammond, History and Genealogies of the Hammond Families in America: with an account of the early history of the family in Normandy and Great Britain, 1000-1902, Ryan & Buckhart, printers, Oneida, NY, 1902-4: pgs. 15, 17, & 53-61.

c. New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 10, pg. 38, 1856.

d. Robert S. Wakefield, "Additions and Corrections to Torrey's New England Marriages" , The American Genealogist, 71, 1996: pg. 147.
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12. The assertion that John Lothropp had a daughter Elizabeth whose birth was not recorded derives from Plymouth Court records of 1665, which provide details of  marital discord between John Williams, Jr., and his wife, Elizabeth.  In particular, when she became pregnant Williams apparently accused his wife of unfaithfulness with Thomas Summers, whom he further accused of committing "intollerable trespass in wronging and abusing the said Williams, by inticing his wife, from him, and for unlawfull dalliance with her."  However, it seems that the charges could not be substantiated and so Williams agreed to renounce his accusation and "all which, together with all other surmises or charges to that purpose, or of that nature, I doe cleare, acquite, release and discharge the said Summers."  Even so, Elizabeth and her supporters were apparently unsatisfied with this and insisted that her good name should be cleared, to which the Court responded at once, thus: "Whereas Elizabeth, the wife of John Williams, hath bine openly traduced and scandalized in her name, and by false reports and reproaches rendered as if shee were a dishonest woman, and that the child she brought forth into the world was not legitimate, these are to declare openly before the country, that the Court, having had sundry occations to hear and examine particulars sundry time relating to the premises, can find noe cause of blame in her in such respects, but that shee hath behaved herselfe as one that hath faithfully observed the bond of wedlocke."  Concomitantly, "John Williams, Jr., for his disturbance and causing great expense to the countrey, in reference to the case about his wife, as is extant in the records of the Court, hee is fined to the use of the countrey the sum of £20."
       Unfortunately, this judgement evidently did not bring an end to the controversy and the Court set out to heal the rift, but was unsuccessful, hence: "Whereas John Williams, Junr. appeered before the Court lived att Plymouth the seaventh of June last past before the date heerof, to answare for his disorderly liveing with his wife and his abusive and harsh carriages towards her both in words and actions in speciall his sequestration of himselfe from the marriage bedd, and that notwithstanding the Court then tooke such order about it as was judged meet for present, yett the said Williams not attending that due reformation expected from him, wherby Mt. Barnabas Laythorpe hath seen cause, in the behalfe of his sister and those related to her, to revive the former complaint, with some aditionall charges; to which the said Williams, though seeming to desire the tryall of such his guiltines or not guiltines might bee put on a jury of his peers, yett afterwards refused it when graunted to him by the Court; this Court, being earnestly desirous of a renewed closure of his hart and affections to his wife, and that his future conversation with her might bee better then his former, were willing to extend what lenitie might bee, and in reference therunto, with exhortation of him to amend his wayes respecting the promises, hee was released att present."  It is clear from these records that Barnabas Laythorpe lodged a complaint on behalf of Elizabeth Williams, who was called "his sister".  The trouble continued and Elizabeth Williams sued for maintenance and support from her estranged husband whom she charged with "defaming her; carrying bitterly against her in many respecte; witholding necessary comforts and conveniencyes suitable to her estate from her" and  "whereas he should have been a shelter and a protection unto her, hath endeavored to reproach, insnare and betray her."  After a jury trial which found against Williams, the Court ordered that  "it is not safe or convenient for her to live with her husband, but do give her liberty at present to depart from him unto her friends until the Court shall otherwise order or he shall apply himselfe unto her in such a way as shee may be better satisfied to return to him againe, and doe order him to apparell her suitably att the present, and furnish her with a bed and beding and such like necessaryes, and to alow her ten pounds yearly to maintaine her while shee shalbee thuse absent from him, and for performance hereof doe require that hee put in cecuritie or that one third part of their entire estate bee cecured for her livelihood and comfort.  ... 2ndly.  For that hee hath greatly defamed and otherwise abused his said wife as in the premises, wee adjudge him to stand in the street or markett place by the post with an inscription over him that may declare to the world his unworthy carriages toward his wife."  However, a marginal note made by the clerk says that: "Att the earnest request of his wife, this part of the centance was remited and not executed."  It comes as no surprise that there is no evidence that Elizabeth ever again lived with her husband.  Instead it would seem that she lived with relatives and as late as June 16, 1691, her putative brother, Barnabas, "in behalf of his sister Elizabeth Williams, relating to her yearly maintenance formerly ordered by the General Court to be paid unto her by Capt. John Williams her husband," applied to the Court for assistance in its collection.
       It would seem certain that Barnabas "Laythorpe" could only have been the son of Rev. John Lothropp.  Accordingly, since there is no Elizabeth known among his in-laws that can be plausibly identified as the wife of John Williams, it has been commonly inferred that Elizabeth Williams must have been his sibling and, therefore, the daughter of Rev. Lothropp.  Conclusive proof of this presumption is often cited in the will of John Lothrop, dated April 7, 1715, which stipulates in the event that his only son Joseph died, being survived by the widow, then (after making small legacies to the First Church in Boston and Rev. Benjamin Walsworth, its pastor) his remaining estate should be equally divided "One-half to go to my welbeloved wife Esther; the other half to my brother Barnabas and sisters, namely: Mary, Martha, Elizabeth, Hannah, Abigail and Experience."  However, it is quite clear from the context, that this John Lothrop, his brother Barnabas and named sisters are actually grandchildren of Rev. Lothropp, the immigrant, and not his children.  Accordingly, the will does not provide the required proof.  Therefore, any definite conclusion that Elizabeth Williams was the daughter of Rev. John Lothropp seems much too strong and it is at least as probable that she was an otherwise unidentified in-law or, perhaps, less likely that she could have possibly been a step-daughter, i.e., daughter of Ann Lothropp from a previous marriage.  (New Plymouth Colony Court Orders, 1630-91.  (reprinted in Nathaniel Bradstreet Shurtleff and David Pulsifer (eds), Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, W. White, printer, Boston, MA, 1855-61: Vol. 1, pass.  (reprinted AMS Press, New York, NY, 1968.)))
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13. "Sturgis Library Yesterday & Today   Constructed in 1644 for the Reverend John Lothrop, founder of Barnstable, the house which forms the original part of the Library is the oldest Library building in the United States.  The building is also one of the oldest houses remaining on Cape Cod.  Since Reverend Lothrop used the front room of the house for public worship, another distinction of the Sturgis Library is that it is the oldest structure still standing in America where religious services were regularly held.  This room, now called 'The Lothrop Room,' with its beamed ceiling and pumpkin-colored wide-board floors, retains the quintessential early character of authentic Cape Cod houses.
     On February 25, 1782, William Sturgis, a direct descendant of Reverend Lothrop, was born in this house.  To help support the family after the death of his father, William went to sea at the age of 15.  In 1810, he founded Bryant and Sturgis, clipper ship owners engaged in the Northwest and China Trades.  In 1863, after a successful career, Captain Sturgis willed his former home, plus $15,000 in bonds, for the establishment of a village Library in the village of Barnstable.  The Library opened in 1867 with 1,300 volumes, many of which came from Sturgis' private library.
     Today, Sturgis Library is a national treasure.  Listed on the National Register of Historic Places, the Library is situated on the 'Old King's Highway,' recently named as 'one of the ten most scenic byways in America.'  The Library Collections have grown to over 65,000 volumes, including the Special Collections.  These include the Cape Cod History Collection of books, manuscripts, photographs and microfilm, the most important collection of its kind in the United States; the Kittredge Maritime Collection, one of the finest maritime collections on the East Coast, notable for its concentration on Cape Cod sea captains and vessels; and the Lothrop Genealogy Collection, which is used by genealogists from all over the United States in examining their connections to Cape Cod History. "  (Anonymous, "Sturgis Library, Barnstable, Massachusetts", www.sturgislibrary.org/general/history.php, 2007.)
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14. "The last Will and Testament of Mr. John Lothropp ye pastour of the Church of Christ att Barnstable, August 10th 1653."
      March 7, 1653 (1654 N. S.)  "Mis Laythorp is graunted lres of adminnestracon to adminnester on the estate of mr John Laythorp, deceased.  Mr Thomas Prence is appointed and requested by the Court to take oath vnto the estate att home."  (New Plymouth Colony Wills and Inventories, Bk. 1, pg. 122.)
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Additional Citations:

15. John Lothrop, Diary, manuscript.  (transcribed from the Revd John Lothrops originall MS. being all the Entries I find in his own Hand writing  By Ezra Stiles Augt 24, 1769)

16. Joseph Foster (comp.), Alumni Oxonienses; the members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714; their parentage, birthplace, and year of birth, with a record of their degrees. (4 vols.), Parker and Co., Oxford and London, UK, 1891-2.

17. John Venn and John Archibald Venn (comp.), Alumni Cantabrigienses: a biographical list of all known students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times to 1900 (10 vols.), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 1922-54.

18. New Plymouth Colony "Able to Bear Arms" List of 1643.  (reprinted New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 4, 1850 and elsewhere.)

19. John Waddington, Surrey Congregational History, pub. Jackson, Walford, and Hodder, London, UK, 1866: pg. 16.

20. Simeon L. Deyo, History of Barnstable County, Massachusetts, H. W. Blake & Co., New York, NY, 1890: pgs. 366-418.  (Available electronically at capecodhistory.us/Deyo/Barnstable.htm)

21. Frederick Lewis Weis, The Colonial Clergy and the Colonial Churches of New England, The Society of the Descendants of the Colonial Clergy, Lancaster, MA, 1936: pg. 129.  (Reprint available from Genealogical Publishing Co., 1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, MD, 21202-3897)

22. Arthur James Willis (comp.), Canterbury Licenses (General), 1568-1646, Phillimore, London, UK, 1972: pg. 58.

23. Clifford L. Stott, "Lothrop and House Entries in the Parish Registers of Eastwell, Kent" , The American Genealogist, 70(4), 1995: pgs. 250-1.

24. Billie Redding Lewis, The Redding Family and Its Relatives, privately published, Lake Wales, FL, 1982; 6th Ed., Anundsen Publishing Co., Decorah, IA, 1992: pgs. 297-305.

25. Richard Woodruff Price, John Lothrop (1584 - 1653); A Puritan Biography & Genealogy, Richard W. Price and Associates, Salt Lake City, UT, 1984: pgs. 24-6.

26. Mayflower Quarterly, 61, Feb. 1995, pgs. 19-20.  (published by General Society of Mayflower Descendants, Plymouth, MA)

27. Ancestral File: 1P3K-WR; 1HMV-0V0; 1HS1-PPM; & 1C11-6RS, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, UT, continuously updated.

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