Suggested citation:

Kelly, T. L. (1998). "Symbols, Snipery and Spectacles as Tools of Propaganda." (Unpublished graduate paper, Portland State University, August 1998). Portland, OR: Author.

Introduction

One big question ran through my mind during the entire week of the Facing History course: how did the Nazis get so many otherwise moral and ethical individuals to turn their backs on their neighbors (Jews) and stomach the annihilation? Not only people in Germany, but people worldwide, including and especially in the U.S.? For there were at least 13 months before the U.S. became involved in the war that we were aware of what was happening to Jews in Germany; we knew, as much and not unlike how we know now of the same things occurring today in other Eastern bloc countries and in Africa. That realization made me uncomfortable - "there is genocide occurring today and I don't feel a compulsion to do anything about it" - and led to an interest in exactly what made the Nazi propaganda machine work so successfully. Maybe then I could answer: what sort of propaganda is working right now to keep me comfortable with genocide in any part of the world?

This paper looks at that propaganda machine, and proposes the view that, in the final analysis, the degree of effectiveness of propaganda is careful measures of spectacle and "sniper" events, and the use of ancient symbols. The Institute for Propaganda Analysis suggests several common techniques used by propagandists, including name-calling, generalizing, making false logical connections, and the use of universal symbols. It is the last technique I will address in this paper - the use of universal symbols, sometimes so ancient that their original use or "sign" is only vaguely known. The successful use of symbols suggests there is some validity to Jung's theory of archetypes having the power to influence humans on a subconscious level. (Storr, 1983, p. 23) I will add to this list of techniques what I call "snipery." [1] It may be argued that snipery is actually a sub-technique of one or more traditional techniques, or an aspect of all of them. But for the purpose of this paper - to point out its examples -I will treat it as one technique. [2]

Tools of Propaganda Analysis

In 1936 Boston merchant Edward Filene helped establish the Institute for Propaganda Analysis which sought to educate Americans to recognize propaganda techniques. Alfred McClung Lee suggested educating the public about propaganda techniques was an urgent priority. (Institute for Propaganda Analysis. 1939) Lee also suggested the Institute's symbols for the seven tried and true techniques of the successful propagandist:

Name Calling: hanging a bad label on an idea, symbolized by a hand turning thumbs down;

Card Stacking: selective use of facts or outright falsehoods, symbolized by an ace of spades, a card signifying treachery;

Band Wagon: a claim that everyone like us thinks this way, symbolized by a marching bandleader's hat and baton;

Testimonial: the association of a respected or hated person with an idea, symbolized by a seal and ribbon stamp of approval;

Plain Folks: a technique whereby the idea and its proponents are linked to "people just like you and me," symbolized by an old shoe;

Transfer: an assertion of a connection between something valued or hated and the idea or commodity being discussed, symbolized by a smiling Greek theater mask; and

Glittering Generalities: associations of something with a "virtue word" to gain approval without examining the evidence; symbolized by a sparkling gem. (Institute for Propaganda Analysis. 1939)

Symbols, Snipery and Spectacles of the Third Reich

The distinguishing characteristic of Nazi propaganda is its emphasis on mystical symbolism (especially the swastika) and its spectacular public displays. When in 1920 Adolf Hitler was appointed chief of propaganda for the National Socialist Party, he realized that the party needed a powerful symbol to identify it and distinguish it from rival groups. In Nazi theory, the Aryans were the German's ancestors, and Hitler concluded that the swastika, which had been ''eternally anti-Semitic,'' would be the perfect symbol for ''the victory of the Aryan man.'' Many have wondered how this symbol could produce such a "hypnotic effect" on the people of Germany. Carl Jung watched and wondered the same thing, and it is perhaps arguable that Jung developed his theory of archetypes partly based on his observations of the powerful effect ambiguous ancient symbols (as opposed to contemporary direct signs) can produce. (Storr, p. 185)

It is unfortunate that the world now equates the swastika with The Nazis, as the actual history of the symbol is a positive history. The swastika had a long life before Hitler came along. It has been for centuries a symbol of peace, laughter, joy and good luck. It is one of the oldest symbols of mankind. Its Nazi links are only a minor speck in its very long existence. However, in terms of propaganda analysis, Hitler couldn't have picked a better symbol with which to "hypnotize" the masses. The average German was not so aware of the long history of the swastika as a peace symbol for India, Ireland, and elsewhere. Just as in America where often Americans are fooled (or fool themselves) into thinking they originated a concept or invention, when the truth is that it was actually procured from elsewhere, the average German saw the swastika symbol as an original piece of artistic genius, one with which for reasons Jung might say had more to do with the unconscious than with politics the average German could bond and experience a sense of ambiguous nostalgia, as if the symbol has the power to reach their very souls.

This demonstrates one type of well-acted snipery. The analogy to a sniper in battle is intentional. Though the swastika is perhaps the most public reminder, then and now, of the Third Reich, the process by which it was and still is assimilated into the public conscience is hidden, like a shot in the dark. One is hit by "the bullet" without ever having heard or seen it coming, and never knowing afterward exactly who fired the shot or from what direction it came. They only experience the desired result, like Pavlov's dog - they are significantly affected and persuaded to the view of the sniper. And since this affectation is most often one that produces even a physical reaction - that feeling of nostalgia, a bond to an ambiguous past, patriotic fervor - it is most powerful on an individual, personal level.

In another act of snipery., using another universal symbol, the Nazis came up with the "Hitler salute" as a visual symbol of their power over the masses. In this case, the raised hands which unite the different groups are, ironically enough, a universal symbol of the act of voting. (Lespius, 1985, pp. 35-55)

Finally, snipery was justified in order to take care of the problem of the "A-1 Jew." SS officer Heinrich Himmler said in a speech to his comrades in 1943:

"... I am referring to the evacuation of the Jews, the annihilation of the Jewish people. This is one of those things that are easily said. 'The Jewish people is going to be annihilated,' says every party member. 'Sure, it's in our program, elimination of the Jews, annihilation--we'll take care of it.' And then they all come trudging, 80 million worthy Germans, and each has his one decent Jew. Sure, the others are swine, but this one is an A-1 Jew." (Facing History, 1994, p. 355)

"One People" (das Volk) was the goal the Nazis had in mind when they took over control of Germany, as well as the only confirmation they needed to convince themselves that they represented the German people. German language and culture have been marked as Nazi by the imprint of das Volk on Germany's cultural landscape. The word summed up their idea of what they wanted to accomplish - a classless, homogenous society that would show the world what it meant to be German. They used the word and symbology for the word to mean "the people" in the sense that "the people" were not just the product but the source of their power, which expressed itself through them and them only. Ultimately, their political activism became a monopoly form of political theater: Politics as Spectacle.

It is interesting to note that the Cabaret - a finely tuned spectacle - was the highest form of entertainment in Berlin just before and during the Third Reich. The 'Berliner Witz' (Berlin sense of humor) or 'Schnauze' (snout), which contained the 'disrespect for authority and cunical skepticism toward received values' required for cabaret, had already been a thriving part of Berlin, as shown by Goethe's comment that "you do get very far with politeness, because such an audacious race of men lives [in Berlin] that you need to have a sharp tongue and also be rather rude to keep your head above water. (Jelavich, 1993 p. 31). This, in conjunction with the city's desire to be considered a "Weltstadt" (world or international city), which led police to be less quick to enforce censorship laws, allowed Berlin to begin its romance with cabaret. "Above all, cabaret was a perfect expression of the city's nature. An urban desire for fragmented forms of diversion, a demand for sensuous modes of entertainment, and a local tradition of biting wit combined to give it form." ( Jelavich, p. 35) [4]

Contemporary Uses of Symbols, Snipery and Spectacles

Shining Path, considered by some counter-terrorism scholars as the most dangerous terrorist group on Earth, was formed as a splinter group of the Communisty Party of Peru. The goal of this organization is the destruction of the existing Peruvian government in favor of an Indian-run socialist system. Shining Path has managed to succeed in recruiting the peasantry for a revolutionary regime in part due to its use of names and symbols from the Indian heritage of the rural regions. This appears to have attracted support that may not have come about through a strictly ideological approach. (Hunter, 1997)

Snipery is perhaps most closely associated with the use of fear as a propaganda tool. Here are a few contemporary examples of propagandist snipery in association with fear tactics:

A television commercial portrays a terrible automobile accident (the fear appeal), and reminds viewers to wear their seatbelts (the fear-reducing behavior).

A pamphlet from an insurance company includes pictures of houses destroyed by floods (the fear appeal), and follows up with details about home-owners' insurance (the fear-reducing behavior).

A letter from a pro-gun organization begins by describing a lawless America in which only criminals own guns (the fear appeal), and concludes by asking readers to oppose a ban on automatic weapons (the fear-reducing behavior). (Institute for Propaganda Analysis)

Curt Guyette interviewed Tom Metzger, a former Ku Klux Klan leader who advocates racism on a radio talk show, about his "White Aryan Resistance Hate Page" Metzger is one of America's most notorious - and most public - neo-Nazis. On the page (in 1996) you could find cartoons like one offering a solution to the problem of illegal immigration: It depicts a group of Hispanics staring in horror at a severed head impaled on a stake bearing a sign scrawled with the words "Go back!" (Guyette, 1996) "The cartoons can be pretty raw," admitted Metzger to Guyette in a phone interview. "We make no excuses for that. It's like any other advertising medium--you have to get people's attention. If that means walking down the street nude, then that's what you do ... we're getting between 80,000 and 100,000 hits a month." (Guyette, 1996) However, the sheer number of hits is a clue that this site is being visited as a morbid spectacle - akin to slowing down to see a traffic accident, or turning your hread to see someone naked walking down the street - more than it is actually appealing to 100,000 people per day to become active racists. Numerous activists (including this writer) against racism probably visited the site daily to keep track of the enemy, so to speak. Metzger's spectacle on the web and on the radio are no match for the effectiveness of the sniping methods he uses with homeless male youths in Oregon - his up-close-and-personal bonding with these youths works much more effectively to instigate a hate crime. Skinhead youths, believing they were doing the right thing for Metzger, brutally murdered an Asian man in Portland. The murder trial and subsequent suit for damages against Metzger (for inspiring the youths' hatred) was one of the first times the public recognized that these small, interpersonal acts of bonding carry more weight than the splashy in-your-face web pages, marches and parades the neo-nazis are typically known for.

What sort of "spectacle" is appealing to Americans? I propose that it's the spectacle that focuses on one or more personalities - the so-called "personality cult" slant on propaganda, as opposed to the sheer wall of force of a faceless mass gathering. It doesn't work for us to see military marches in Rwanda, but it captures our attention if four Americans on holiday are brutally killed by Rwandans for political reasons that, in the reporting, are not even the focus of attention. Charles Derber might have the best answer to why this is appealing to Americans. He states in his thesis that Americans have an almost obsessive need to control or take over conversations and then to conduct them in a narcissistic manner, turning the dailogue towards talk about oneself. (Derber, 1979) It seems we are more apt to give our attention (and allegiance) to an event or idealogy if we can bond with the personalities involved - the cult leader, the celebrity spokesmodel, the victims from "my hometown." Mere spectacle for the show of power - gatherings of the faceless masses (e.g. The Million Man March) and any other type of spectacle that does not focus in on one or more personalities with which to personally identify, don't work as well to "hypnotize" Americans in the manner that Hitler used crowd control of the faceless masses to nurture support of the das Volk idealogy. [5]

Conclusion

Far from attaching any democratic value to the individual, the Nazi imagery demonstrates the value they placed on the faceless mass. To make effective propaganda of the faceless mass, the spectacle was invoked. To make effective the dehumanization of the "A-1 Jew" for the individual German, snipery was an effective follow-up tool. Bridge both with universal symbols or archetypes, and you have a powerful well-oiled propaganda machine.

I watched the film Schindler's List recently with my daughter. When the black & white filming was interrupted by the surreal segments of a little girl in red running through the crowd - and later, the same girl, same red coat in a pile of exhumed bodies of Jews murdered by Nazis - my daughter asked what was the significance of this one seemingly non-essential quirk in the film - the little girl in a red coat as opposed to all the rest of the film being in black & white. I thought about that as we watched the film, and it occurred to me that this portrayal was a sort of sniping in reverse. In other words, it's not the masses being randomly murdered in the streets that moved Schindler to a level of compassion that resulted in positive action against the Holocaust, it was the sudden realization - a sudden bonding, a "witnessing" - with one little girl running through the street, that motivated his subsequent actions to save the Jews he could save. It was snipery in a good way - because it worked to change one influential individual - Schindler - at a level where he transforms the "faceless mass" around him into one real palpable human being; a personal terror arises that compels him to no longer ignore the slaughter as removed and apart from his personal concern.

Activists against racism, sexism and annihilism can use these same tools for their own benefit. Reaching the individual, to the level demonstrated by Schindler in those red-coated girl scenes, is critical to effective propaganda, be it used for good or bad purposes. Facing History fights fire with fire, by bringing Holocaust survivors into the classroom who "witness" to students with all the emotion and bonding through symbolism and cultural values that is used by the racist to bring homeless youths into their fold or the Evangelical Christian recruiting youths for his church. In addition, for activists in America, it is critical to pay attention to the power of the "cult of personality" in presenting a persuasive argument for a cause.

Footnotes

[1] The meanings I attribute to "spectacle" and "snipery" will also be explained. return to text

[2] With all due respect to those who analyze all or one of the other techniques, considering that each deserve detailed analysis. return to text

[3] Ironically, and not something to leave unnoticed, modern-day American militias are comprised largely of Vietnam War veterans who learned "snipery" the hard way, and now carry a vendetta. return to text

[4] This paragraph is partly derived from Anne Bracy's article, which cites Jelavich. return to text

[5] The writer acknowledges that the issue of how much the "cult of personality" played a role in allegiance to Hitler needs further study. return to text

Bibliography

Derber, Charles. 1979. The Pursuit of Attention: Power and Individualism in Everyday Life. Oxford University Press.

Geyer, M.E. & Boyer, J.W. 1992. Resistance Against the Third Reich: 1933-1990. The University of Chicago Press.

Guyette, Curt. 1996. "Cybersurfing with the net Nazis and their wired skinhead friends." MetroActive, August 8-14, 1996.

Hunter, Thomas B. 1997. "Terrorist Profiles: Shining Path." Terrorism Research Center.

Institute for Propaganda Analysis. 1938. Propaganda Analysis. New York: Columbia University Press.

Institute for Propaganda Analysis. 1939. The Fine Art of Propaganda. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company.

Jelavich, Peter. 1993. Berlin Cabaret. Harvard University Press: London.

Lee, Alfred McClung. 1952. How to Understand Propaganda. New York: Rinehart and Company.

Lespius, M. Rainer. Trans. Jean A. Campbell. 1985. "Nation and Nationalism in Germany." Social Research 52 (1985).

Storr, Anthony. 1983. The Essential Jung. Princeton University Press.