Father: Robert Fuller
Mother: Sarah Dunkhorne
Spouse: Ann? ***** - d: ~Jan-Feb/1620(1621) - Plymouth Twp., New Plymouth Col.
bp: 16/Oct/1603 - Redenhall Par., Co.
d: Jul-Aug/1678 - Barnstable Twp., New Plymouth Col.
m: Frances *****
It has been generally accepted that Edward Fuller, the Pilgrim, was the son of Robert and Sarah Dunkhorne Fuller of the village of Redenhall, County Norfolk, in England.1 If so, then Edward was baptized on September 4, 1575, in Redenhall Parish, which almost certainly implies that he was born only a few days or weeks earlier.2 Even so, evidence for this identification remains purely circumstantial and has come under recent criticism, primarily regarding the implied chronology, i.e., a birth date in 1575 would seem to be ten or fifteen years too early.3 Nevertheless, no credible alternative to this identification has yet been suggested. Indeed, the hypothesis that Edward Fuller was a barrister, son of Nicholas Fuller, also a barrister, of Stephney (modern spelling, Stepney) is fanciful and should not be taken at all seriously.4,5 It may be supposed that Edward Fuller would have married about 1595 or 1600. Savage has given the name of his wife as Ann; however, there seems to be no support for this whatsoever and more recent researchers have suggested that this may have been an inadvertent mistake.6 Two sons have been attributed to them, Samuel, who immigrated with his parents to New England in 1620, and Matthew, who was reportedly baptized on October 16, 1603, and came later.Source Notes and Citations:
The motivation of the Pilgrims to leave Europe and settle in North America can only be understood within the larger context of the Reformation and its effect on European politics and society in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Moreover, the Reformation should be seen as an aspect of the general Renaissance which ended the Middle Ages in Western Europe. Of course, the account of Martin Luther and his challenge of corrupt church practices in 1517 is well known. Although, it was almost certainly not Luther's intention, the result was the fracture of medieval Christendom into strongly opposed Catholic and Protestant political and religious factions. Indeed, with the social value now placed on religious freedom and toleration it is, perhaps, difficult at present to realize the depth of feeling associated with religious convictions that permeated the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Probably the closest modern equivalents would be those associated with the struggles between totalitarian dictatorships and representative democracies in the twentieth century, although even these did not involve religion as directly as conflicts between Catholic and Protestant societies during the period of the Reformation. (In passing, one could view the recent struggles between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland as a last vestige of these earlier conflicts.) In any case, England first became nominally Protestant in 1533 during the reign of Henry VIII, when the Pope refused to annul the king's marriage to Catherine of Aragon so he could then marry Anne Boleyn. Even so, it should not be supposed that Henry had any particular theological reason for severing ties with the Roman Catholic Church; rather, he was entirely motivated by power politics, which pitted the English king against Hapsburg monarchs in Austria and Spain as well as other rulers. In addition, Henry was able to seize the assets of the monasteries and other clerical property within his kingdom which brought him much needed revenue. Nevertheless, there were already Protestant sympathizers in England that saw Henry's defection from the authority of the Pope as an act of Providence and, thus, an opportunity to "purify" the new Anglicana Ecclesia, i.e., the Church of England, and return to the faith of the New Testament without the later accretions of Catholicism.7 This was the beginning of Puritanism. Henry himself had little interest in changing church practices beyond repudiation of the Papacy and assumption of titular supremacy by the monarch. However, when Henry's young son acceded to the throne as Edward VI in 1547 significant Protestant changes in ritual began to be instituted. This was completely reversed when Edward died and was succeeded by his sister, Mary, in 1553. She was an ardent Catholic, who restored the authority of the Pope, persecuted Protestants as heretics, and married Philip II of Spain, the archenemy of all forms of Protestantism. Even so, Catholicism could not be restored permanently and upon the accession of Elizabeth I in 1558, persecutions ceased allowing Protestants who had fled the country to return. Accordingly, the new queen desired social harmony and, thus, refused to "make windows into men's souls ... there is only one Jesus Christ and all the rest is a dispute over trifles"; she asked only for outward uniformity. Therefore, the Church of England was established on a nationalistic foundation by the Articles of 1563, i.e., the Thirty-nine Articles, which Elizabeth approved as a political and doctrinal compromise. Naturally, the more extreme English Protestants who had come under the influence of John Calvin and others, perhaps, while in exile during the reign of Mary, were not satisfied with this situation. Consequently, controversy arose within the Church of England between parties of those who favored the status quo of the "Elizabethan Settlement" and those who wished further "purification". It was within this context that the term "Puritan" came into usage, originally as a derisive epithet applied by the first party to the second. Nevertheless, during the long reign of Elizabeth a broad spectrum of religious opinion was tolerated and Puritanism itself developed to include those that wished to remain within the established church to work for further reform and those that despaired of this gradual approach and wished to become entirely separate. It is from the Separatist Puritans that the Pilgrim Fathers came.
It would be anachronistic to project modern concepts of religious freedom and "separation of church and state" into the sixteenth and seventeeth centuries. Such ideas would have been neither understood nor accepted at that time. Consequently, all subjects of the English monarch were required to adhere to the doctrines of the Church of England; not to do so could be considered treasonous. The degree to which such discipline was enforced and punished was variable, but after James I ascended the throne of England in 1603 (having already been the King of Scotland for thirty-six years), toleration of breaches in religious practice gradually diminished and conformity was imposed with increasing vigor. At the same time, Puritanism continued to gain support and, although, at least in the beginning those who remained within the Church of England escaped any penalty, Puritan Separatists that formed illegal congregations apart from the established church could be fined, imprisoned, or even executed. Such was the congregation organized at Scrooby in Nottinghamshire about the year 1606, which included among others, Richard Clifton, former pastor at Babworth deprived of his living for nonconformist views; William Brewster, postmaster at Scrooby; John Robinson of Gainsborough; William Bradford of Austerfield; and others. They came under scrutiny from the authorities and about 1607 decided that they should emigrate to Holland; however, this proved difficult since no one could legally leave the country without the permission of the King's Privy Council, which could hardly be expected to be granted to a group of religious dissidents. Therefore, they attempted to leave illegally from the port of Boston, but were betrayed by the seamen they had hired, their money and goods confiscated, and their leaders imprisoned. Even so, they were not brought to trial and were then released and sent home. The following year they, again, made an attempt to escape to Holland, which after considerable trouble with civil authorities and inclement weather, was successful. Many members of the Scrooby congregation, including the two pastors, Richard Clifton and John Robinson, settled in Amsterdam where they joined with other English religious exiles already resident. The following year, i.e., 1609, a group of about a hundred Puritan Separatists under the leadership of John Robinson left Amsterdam and settled in the ancient university town of Leiden. Here they remained in peace for more than a decade and, in addition, were almost certainly joined by others from England having similar religious convictions. Nevertheless, although they were unmolested in the exercise of their religious beliefs, perhaps, by 1617 many of the English religious refugees in Holland were ready to consider leaving to settle elsewhere. Indeed, Holland was densely populated and the immigrants found economic life quite difficult, being reduced to low paying, laborious employment. In addition, they desired to maintain their English language and culture, which would not be easy, if possible at all, as long as they remained a small minority in a country with different customs and dominant language. Third, and perhaps most worrying, was the possibility of a war between the Dutch and Spanish that might allow the return of Catholic rule, which could hardly be expected to treat them with any tolerance. Therefore, leading members of the Leiden group became involved in negotiations with Mr. Thomas Weston of London, agent for a group of English merchant investors interested in new settlements in America as a ready source of large profits. It would seem that this enterprise was organized under the auspices of the Virginia Company of Plymouth (or Second Virginia Company), a royally chartered joint stock company, but exact business relationships remain murky due to reorganizations and divergent interests of various investors and speculators. In any case, the immigrants were required to accept terms of indenture for seven years to pay off their debts to the "Merchant Adventurers".8 Passage for the settlers was arranged on the "Mayflower", Christopher Jones, master, and, in addition, a second smaller ship, the "Speedwell", was purchased and outfitted in Holland. Thus, on Saturday, July 22nd O. S. (August 1st N. S.) of 1620, an emigrant party from Leiden set out on the "Speedwell" from Delftshaven and, according to the ship's log, landed the following Wednesday at Southhampton. Here, they became embroiled in further contentious negotiations with Weston, which as a result motivated some members of the Leiden party to withdraw and return to Holland. Moreover, because the immigrant company was too small, additional volunteers were recruited for the voyage. Although some of these individuals may have also held similar religious convictions as Puritan Separatists, it is clear that some did not and probably joined the expedition for economic reasons. Consequently, in later accounts the group that came from Leiden has been called "saints" and those that joined them in England called "strangers". Thus, as extant correspondence between William Bradford and the "Merchant Adventurers" illustrates, the original colonists were not homogeneous. Nevertheless, it is apparent from subsequent history that with some exceptions, both groups became united in a common desire to succeed in the New World and, hence, all of the original settlers have become known to history as "the Pilgrims". In passing, it has been reported that while in England some of the Pilgrim Fathers consulted with Captain John Smith, famous for his part in the establishment of the Jamestown colony in Virginia, and attempted to secure his services as an advisor on the voyage, but were unable meet the financial terms required for his service. Even so, the two ships left Southhampton on August 5th but, the "Speedwell" was soon found leaky and they put in at Dartmouth for repairs. Once these were completed, both ships put to sea again, bound for the open Atlantic Ocean. Nevertheless, after passing Land's End, it seems that Mr. Reynolds, master of the smaller ship, again, became concerned about the seaworthiness of his vessel and the expedition turned back to Plymouth. According to Bradford's account, no severe leak could be found and, further, he believed that the whole incident had been a stratagem on the part of the master and crew of the "Speedwell" to avoid the hardships and dangers of the voyage. Therefore, the smaller ship was left behind and, as reported by the ship's log, on Wednesday, September 6 (September 16th N. S.), 1620, one hundred and two passengers set out from Plymouth on the "Mayflower" and sailed into history. At daybreak on the sixty-fifth day they sighted Cape Cod and following a short exploration southward, on Saturday, November 11, 1620 O. S., after sixty-seven days at sea they anchored in what is now the harbor at Provincetown, Massachusetts. After further exploration of the large bay enclosed by the cape using small boats, the ship left Cape Cod on December 15th O. S. and the next day came to anchor in the harbor at the site of the Plymouth settlement. Here the colonists remained.
Earlier researchers have asserted that Edward Fuller and his family never lived in Holland; however, recent evidence has been found confirming that they did, indeed, live in Leiden although, perhaps, only for a short time since records are so sparse Within this context, it is not known when they emigrated from England to Holland, but according to the terms of his father's will it would seem that Edward was still present in England in May of 1613. Therefore, it may be presumed that they were Puritan Separatists and that they, probably along with many others, joined the refugees from Scrooby between 1614 and 1620; however, this is merely speculation. Accordingly, it seems quite likely that Edward and his family must have been among the passengers of the "Speedwell" that embarked at Delftshaven and sailed to Southhampton in late July of 1620. Moreover, it is clear that the Fuller family, including one son, Samuel, was aboard the "Mayflower" when it left Plymouth in September. Likewise, it is known that the following November Edward Fuller was the twenty-first signer of the "Mayflower Compact" and that the Fullers were among the settlers at Plymouth one month later.9 Even so, their son, Matthew, was left behind and apparently did not come to the colony until many years afterward. The precise reason for this remains unknown, but as Bradford's account clearly shows, it was not unusual for family members to stay behind.10 Indeed, the ship was crowded and the voyage dangerous, so it does not seem unreasonable that the immigrants would not have wanted to subject their entire family to the risk of the expedition. Moreover, Otis indicated that Matthew was "first born" and was, thus, perhaps already a young adult (or at least an adolescent) by 1620.11 Accordingly, it is plausible that he would have been living outside of his parents household as a laborer or an apprentice. In contrast, Samuel was undoubtedly still a child and, naturally, would have accompanied his parents on the voyage. Sadly, both Edward Fuller and his wife died during the "starving time" of the first winter, but their young son, Samuel, survived. Perhaps, at least some portion of their remains now rests in the memorial sarcophagus located on Cole's Hill in Plymouth, Massachusetts.
1a. Lucy Mary Kellogg et al. (eds), Mayflower Families Through Five Generations, General Society of Mayflower Descendants, Plymouth, MA, 1975-1995: Vol. 4, pgs. 3 & 5.
"Edward Fuller, his wife, and son Samuel came to Plymouth on the Mayflower in 1620. Edward was one of those who signed the Mayflower Compact* on 11 November 1620. Governor Bradford's account of the Mayflower's passengers, written early in 1651, lists among the passengers 'Edward Fuller, and his wife; and Samuell their sonne.' Bradford further states: 'Edward ffuler, and his wife dyed soon after they came ashore; but their sonne Samuel is living, and maried, and hath 4 children or more.' Edward Fuller was baptized at the parish of Redenhall, County of Norfolk, England on 4 September 1575, son of Robert Fuller. While some accounts make him the son of Frances, who is named in Robert's will, a convincing case has been made that Frances was the second wife of Robert Fuller, and that Robert Fuller married first, at Starston Parish, Co. Norfolk, England, 29 January 1572/3 Sara Dunkhorn and that she is the mother of Edward and Samuel Fuller of the Mayflower. Sara Fuller, wife of Robert Fuller, was buried at Redenhall 1 July 1584. Redenhall and Starston are adjacent parishes. The will of Robert Fuller of the parish of Redenhall, yeoman, dated 19 May 1613, proved 31 May 1614 by the widow, and 16 June 1614 by Thomas Fuller, names wife Frances; sons Edward, Samuel and Thomas; daughters Ann Fuller, Elizabeth Fuller and Mary Fuller; grandson John Fuller, son of his son John Fuller.
*It has recently been discovered that Edward and his unnamed wife were among the English Separatists living in Leiden, Holland. Edward is mentioned in Leiden Judicial Archives 79, L, Folio 172 verso. Savage calls his wife Ann, but there is no known evidence that this was her name. There has long been a question as to whether Matthew Fuller was actually a son of Edward. For a full detailed discussion of Matthew Fuller's parentage, see the article 'Was Matthew Fuller of Plymouth Colony a Son of Pilgrim Edward Fuller?' which confirms the relationship. References: Bradford's Hist. (1952) p. 446. NEHGR 55:411 (bp. Edward). Searching with Success p. 232 (Dunkhorn relation). MQ 51:58 (Leiden). Savage 2:215 (Fuller). MD 1:77-9 (Mayflower Compact). TAG 61:194-96, 1986 (Matthew Fuller's parentage)."
"Edward Fuller. bp. Parish of Redenhall, co. Norfolk, England 4 Sept. 1575; d. Plymouth shortly after 11 Jan. 1620/1; son of Robert and Sara (Dunkhorn) Fuller. He m. prob. England, --- [unknown], who d. Plymouth soon after 11 Jan. 1620/1. References: MD 1:10 (Samuel), 15 (d. Edward, wife); 2:117 (d. Edward, wife). NYGBR 33:171-2 (Brainerd's Fuller Gen.). Bradford's Hist. (1952) p. 446." (Deborah Sweet; database - :2451407; worldconnect.genealogy.rootsweb.com, 2003.)
b. ibid.: pgs. 5-6.
"Matthew Fuller b. prob. England; d. Barnstable Co. bet. 25 July 1678 and 22 Aug. 1678 (date of inventory). He m. presumably in England, Frances ---, who was living 30 Oct. 1678 when she swore to his inventory. As Frances was Matthew's sole executrix, it is likely that she was the mother of at least some of Matthew's children. Matthew Fuller arrived in Plymouth bef. 26 Oct. 1640 when he sold land lately purchased of John Gregory. He probably brought his wife Frances and children born in England with him. In 1642 he was propounded a freeman, served as a juryman, and was assigned ten acres of land near Thurston Clark. In 1643 he was chosen sergeant in the newly established 'military discipline.' He was called of Plymouth in a deed of gift of two acres on 16 March 1648/9 from Samuel Fuller. Exactly when he moved to Barnstable is unknown, but on 5 Oct. 1652 the Court approved his election as lieutenant of the Barnstable militia. He was admitted a freeman on 7 June 1653, and in that year served as deputy from Barnstable to the Plymouth Court. On 20 June 1654 he was appointed lieutenant, under Capt. Myles Standish, of a 50-man quota to fight against the Dutch at Monhattoes (New York), but receipt of news of peace between England and Holland on 23 June 1654 made the expedition unnecessary. On 2 Oct. 1658 he was elected a member of the Council of War, and in 1671 became its chairman. On 17 Dec. 1673 he was appointed Surgeon General of the Colony troops; he also served as captain of the Plymouth Colony forces during King Phillip's War.
He was one of the first physicians to settle at Barnstable. He took a public stand on the side of the unpopular Quakers and received a fine for it. He lived in the northwest corner of Barnstable at Scroton Neck, but also owned land in Falmouth and Middleboro which had been granted to him by the Colony for distinguished service. He died a wealthy man for the times. Matthew Fuller of Barnstable in a will dated 25 July 1678, sworn 30 Oct. 1678, names Shubeall Jones my Grand Child the Reputed son of Ralph Jones; wife Francis (sic); son John Fuller; natural sons of my son Samuel Fuller deceased: Thomas, Jabez, Timothy, Matthias and Samuel Fuller; Samuel, son of Samuel Fuller my eldest son deceased; Bethyah the wife of son John Fuller; daughters Mary Jones wife of Ralph Jones, Anne Fuller now wife of Samuel Fuller, and Elizabeth Rowley wife of Moses Rowley; Sarah Rowley the daughter of Moses Rowley; Jedediah Jones son of Ralph Jones; my male grandchildren and female grandchildren; sons-in-law Ralfe Jones, Samuel Fuller Jr., and Moses Rowley, Sr.; only (surviving) son John Fuller and his wife Bethya; Mary Fuller late wife of my son Samuell deceased; the Scotsman, Robert Marshall; Jaser Tayler; wife Frances, executrix.
No probate records for Frances Fuller in Barnstable Co.; Children (Fuller) order [of birth] uncertain, first 3 or 4 b. England, last prob. Plymouth. References: TAG 61:194-199 (1986) (Matthew Fuller parentage), 33:171-6 (Brainerd's Fuller Gen.). NEHGR 55:192, 194-5, 411, 415-6 (Redenhall abstracts). Fuller Gen. 1:376; 3:12, 18. Barnstable Fams. 1:376, 378 (Fuller); 2:109 (Jones). Plymouth Col. Recs. 2:45, 48, 61; 3:17, 24, 31, 55-7, 153; 4:18-9; 5:37, 73, 272-3; 12:64, 164. Barnstable Co. PR 2:49, 50, 55 (Matthew)." (ibid.)
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2. William Hyslop Fuller, Genealogy of Some Descendants of Edward Fuller of the Mayflower, C. B. Fiske & Co., Palmer, MA, 1908: pgs. 23-4.
"EDWARD1 FULLER, baptized Sept. 4, 1575, in the parish of Redenhall, County of Norfolk, England, was son of Robert Fuller, butcher.
No trace of him has been found to indicate that he was with the ... Pilgrims in Holland, and it appears probable that he joined with the others on the arrival of the Speedwell in Southhampton, England, where the Mayflower was awaiting them.
His name appears in the following 'Compact,' which was drawn up in the cabin of the Mayflower just previous to the landing at Cape Cod in November, 1620:" The text of the Mayflower Compact follows.
"The name of the wife of Edward1 Fuller, though sometimes given as Ann, is really wholly unknown.
Governor Bradford simply says that 'Edward Fuller and his wife died soon after they came on shore.' Edward died at Plymouth between Jan. 11 and April 10, 1621--and his wife died ... 1621, after Jan 11th.
His only child was Samuel2, who came with his father on the Mayflower." Italics indicate a defective text.
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3. "Edward Fuller has been generally identified as the son of Robert and Sara (Dunkhorn) Fuller, baptized on 4 September 1575 at Redenhall, Norfolk. However, a number of genealogical scholars and Mayflower researchers, including Robert S. Wakefield, Robert Sherman, Robert Leigh Ward, Robert C. Anderson, Eugene Stratton, Leslie Mahler, and others, have all questioned the identification over the past couple of decades. The current identification is based upon circumstantial evidence only: the fact that the names Samuel, Edward, and Ann occur within the same family; and the fact the father is identified as a butcher. Thomas Morton, writing in 1637, says that Samuel Fuller was the son of a butcher. The name Matthew also occurs in this Redenhall Fuller family. The counter-evidence is primarily that the ages for the Fullers appear to be too old, when compared to their marriage dates, the ages of their spouses, and with the births of their children.
The name of Edward Fuller's wife has not been discovered. In James Savage's Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England (1860-1862), Edward Fuller's wife was given as 'Ann'. However, there are no American or English records which give her name. I suspect James Savage may have made a simple typographical error: Mayflower passenger Edward Tilley had a wife Ann; or perhaps he was thinking of their sister Ann Fuller. None-the-less, numerous sources published after 1860 have utilized Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, and so the identification of Ann can be found in numerous other books and online resources.
So, in truth, very little is known about Edward Fuller. His English origins and the name of his wife are widely disputed. What is known is that he, his wife, and his son Samuel came on the Mayflower in 1620 to Plymouth. A single Leiden judicial document mentions Edward Fuller, and proves that he, like brother Samuel Fuller, were living in Leiden. Both Edward and his wife died the first winter, but son Samuel (who would have been about 12), survived. An older brother, Matthew, had stayed behind, and came to America later." (Caleb Johnson,"Edward Fuller", www.mayflowerhistory.com/Passengers/EdwardFuller.php, 2005.)
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4. Justin Hubert Fuller and Florence Fuller Hyde, The Fuller Family in England and America, Pine Hill Press, Freeman, SD, 1971: pg. 19.
"EDWARD FULLER - son of Nicholas Fuller (admitted to Gray's Inn) was a barrister, who lived in Stephney, one of the residential quarters of London. (See 'New Light on Pilgrims Story' by the Rev. Thomas W. Mason, London, Congregational Union of England and Wales, Inc., Memorial Hall, E. C. 4, Rayleigh, Essex.) The wife of Edward was Anne. They had two sons, Mathew and Samuel, born in England.
In the year of his father's release from the Tower, Samuel, together with his sister Susannah, wife of William White, and brother Edward, trained in the law as his father was, left Stephney for Holland. This departure was made at the same time as that of the Nottinghamshire group. There may have been connecting links. We note, for example, that William Brewster, of Scrooby, as Secretary to Davison, had spent some time in London, and that the brothers Hamerton of Nottingham were afterwards in London.
In Holland, the exiles had to take manual labour. Samuel Fuller became a weaver. Nor was the physician the only professional man to turn mechanic in furtherance of the great cause. During the twelve years that he lived there; he was twice married; first to Agnes Carpenter, and afterwards to Bridget Lee, who survived him. He was deacon of the Leyden Church, where John Robinson was pastor.
This little family embarked on the Mayflower at Plymouth, England. First comes the doctor, then sister Susannah or 'Anna' as she was generally called, with her husband, William White, and a son; next brother Edward, his wife Ann, and their boy Samuel. Samuel's wife, Bridget, joined the Pilgrims some time after. We shall meet with Susannah again as wife of Governor Winslow; but for the present they are a family party of seven, with several other relatives. The old father had been dead some time; but perhaps there would be there Susannah's twin brother, Nicholas, the Snows, the Saffins, who were to follow later, and other good Stephney folk to wish them 'good-bye'.
In Plymouth, Massachusetts, just above the Plymouth Rock is a huge sarcophagus, in which have been placed the remains of those (41) Pilgrims, who died the first year. In this are the remains of Edward Fuller, his wife, Anne, and William White, husband of Susannah Fuller. The names are inscribed on the outside."
This book is a revision of an earlier work by William Hyslop Fuller, into which presumptions of Mason and Nightingale have been incorporated, whose stated purpose was "to call attention to the important part played by Essex, the eastern counties, and London in the Pilgrim movement". Accordingly, it is clear that the authors generally desired to "upgrade" the social status of the Pilgrim Fathers and to present them as highly educated professional men. Of course, there were undoubtedly some educated people among the "Mayflower" party; however, this book contains dubious presumptions approaching propaganda and should not be taken seriously. Indeed, according to Mr. Brent Kelly, no evidence has been found to support the preceding assertion that Edward and Samuel Fuller of the Mayflower as well as their purported sister Susanna, the wife of William White, were the children of Sir Nicholas Fuller of Stepney. None of these putative children were mentioned in the extensive will of Nicholas Fuller of Chamberhouse, Co. Berks, Esq., dated February 19, 1619 (1620 N. S.) when all were still living. (Abstract of wills in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury at Somerset House, London England, Register Soame, 1620, edited by J. Henry Lea, published by the NE Hist. Gen. Soc. Boston, MA, 1904; pp. 94-5). (Brent Kelly; database - :3127503; worldconnect.genealogy.rootsweb.com, 2005.)
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5. Thomas William Mason and Benjamin Nightingale, New Light on the Pilgrim Story, Congregational Union of England and Wales, London, UK, 1920: pass.
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6a. James Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England - Vols. 1-4, Little, Brown and Co., Boston, MA, 1860-1862: Vol. 2, pg. 215. (Reprint available from Genealogical Publishing Co., 1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, MD, 21202-3897)
"EDWARD, Plymouth, br. of the famous Samuel, came with him in the Mayflower 1620, bring. w. Ann and s. Samuel, and leav. Matthew, on the other side, wh. was elder, d. early next yr. as did his w. but his s. Samuel outliv. the hardships."
b. ibid.: pg. 217.
"MATTHEW, Plymouth, a. 1640, s. of Edward the first, b. in Eng. rem. to Barnstable 1652, a physician, appoint. surg. of the force of the col. 1673, a capt. 1675, as Thatcher says, and d. 1678. By w. Frances he had Mary, wh. m. 17 Apr. 1650, Ralph Jones; Elizabeth wh. m. 1652, Moses Rowley; Samuel; and John; and by Hannah, had Ann, wh. m. her cous. Samuel Fuller."
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7. William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation: 1620-1647, Modern Library, New York. NY, 1981: pass.
Chapter 1: "It is well known unto the godly and judicious, how ever since the first breaking out of the light of the gospel in our honourable nation of England, (which was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned therewith after the gross darkness of popery which had covered and overspread the Christian world), what wars and oppositions ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained and continued against the Saints,1 from time to time, in one sort or other. Sometimes by bloody death and cruel torments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments and other hard usages; as being loath his kingdom should go down, the truth prevail and the churches of God revert to their ancient purity and recover their primitive order, liberty and beauty.
But when he could not prevail by these means against the main truths of the gospel, but that they began to take rooting in many places, being watered with the blood of the martyrs and blessed from Heaven with a gracious increase; he then began to take him to his ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. That when by the bloody and barbarous persecutions of the heathen emperors he could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel, but that it speedily overspread, with a wonderful celerity, the then best known parts of the world; he then began to sow errours, heresies and wonderful dissensions amongst the professors2 themselves, working upon their pride and ambition, with other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea to the saints themselves in some measure, by which woeful effects followed. As not only bitter contentions and heartburnings, schisms, with other horrible confusions; but Satan took occasion and advantage thereby to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many unprofitable canons and decrees, which have since been as snares to many poor and peaceable souls even to this day." This was Bradford's interpretation of King Henry's break with the authority of the Pope and the subsequent development of the English Reformation..
"For to let pass the infinite examples in sundry nations and several places of the world, and instance in our own, when as that old serpent could not prevail by those fiery flames and other his cruel tragedies, which he by his instruments put in ure5 everywhere in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then began another kind of war and went more closely to work; not only to oppugn but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle means, by kindling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discord and bitter enmity amongst the professors and, seeming reformed, themselves. For when he could not prevail by the former means against the principal doctrines of faith, he bent his force against the holy discipline and outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be conserved, and true piety maintained amongst the saints and people of God.
Mr. Fox6 recordeth how that besides those worthy martyrs and confessors which were burned in Queen Mary's days and otherwise tormented, 'Many (both students and others) fled out of the land to the number of 800, and became several congregations, at Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Markpurge, Strasburg and Geneva, etc.' Amongst whom (but especially those at Frankfort) began that bitter war of contention and persecution about the ceremonies and service book, and other popish and antichristian stuff, the plague of England to this day, which are like the high places in Israel which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruin. Which the better part sought, according to the purity of the gospel, to root out and utterly to abandon. And the other part (under veiled presences) for their own ends and advancements sought as stiffly to continue, maintain and defend. As appeareth by the discourse thereof published in print, anno 1575; a book that deserves better to be known and considered.7
The one side laboured to have the right worship of God and discipline of Christ established in the church, according to the simplicity of the gospel, without the mixture of men's inventions; and to have and to be ruled by the laws of God's Word, dispensed in those offices, and by those officers of Pastors, Teachers and Elders, etc. according to the Scriptures. The other party, though under many colours and presences, endeavoured to have the episcopal dignity (after the popish manner) with their large power and jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts, canons and ceremonies, together with all such livings, revenues and subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatness and enabled them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of God. This contention was so great, as neither the honour of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevail with those thus episcopally minded; but they proceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church, even so far as to charge (very unjustly and ungodlily yet prelatelike) some of their chief opposers with rebellion and high treason against the Emperor, and other such crimes.
And this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was left beyond the seas. But at her death these people returning into England under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishoprics and other promotions according to their aims and desires, that inveterate hatred against the holy discipline of Christ in His church8 hath continued to this day. Insomuch that for fear it should prevail, all plots and devices have been used to keep it out incensing the Queen and State against it as dangerous for the commonwealth; and that it was most needful that the fundamental points of religion should be preached in those ignorant and superstitious times. And to win the weak and ignorant they might retain divers harmless ceremonies, and though it were to be wished that divers things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the like to stop the mouths of the more godly, to bring them on to yield to one ceremony after another, and one corruption after another; by these wiles beguiling some and corrupting others till at length they began to persecute all the zealous professors in the land (though they knew little what this discipline meant) both by word and deed, if they would not submit to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which have no ground in the Word of God, but are relics of that man of sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former presences and fair colours) they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt the more upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and most injuriously gave unto and imposed upon them that name of Puritans, which is said the Novatians out of pride did assume and take unto themselves.9 And lamentable it is to see the effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled; sundry have lost their lives in prisons and other ways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced; ignorance, profaneness and atheism increased, and the papists encouraged to hope again for a day.10" Mr. Fox is, of course, a reference to John Foxe and his famous Book of Martyrs which compared persecution of Protestants under the reign of Queen Mary to that of the ancient Christian martyrs. Bradford further describes the controversy between factions within the Church of England that led to the common identification of the Puritans.
"When as by the travail and diligence of some godly and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their labours, as in other places of the land, so in the North parts, many became enlightened by the Word of God and had their ignorance and sins discovered unto them, and began by His grace to reform their lives and make conscience of their ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the profane multitude; and the ministers urged with the yoke of subscription, or else must be silenced. And the poor people were so vexed with apparitors and pursuivants12 and the commissary courts, as truly their affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, they bore sundry years with much patience, till they were occasioned by the continuance and increase of these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days, to see further into things by the light of the Word of God. How not only these base and beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also that the lordly and tyrannous power of the prelates ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedom of the gospel, would load and burden men's consciences and by their compulsive power make a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of God. And that their offices and callings, courts and canons, etc. were unlawful and antichristian: being such as have no warrant in the Word of God, but the same that were used in popery and still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch commentaries,13 at the coming of King James into England: The new king (saith he) found there established the reformed religion according to the reformed religion of King Edward VI, retaining or keeping still the spiritual state of the bishops, etc. after the old manner, much varying and differing from the reformed churches in Scotland, France and the Netherlands, Ernden, Geneva, etc., whose reformation is cut, or shapen much nearer the first Christian churches, as it was used in the Apostles' time. So many, therefore, of these professors as saw the evil of these things in these parts, and whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for His truth, they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and as the Lord's free people joined themselves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in the fellowship of the gospel, to walk in all His ways made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them.14 And that it cost them something this ensuing history will declare.
These people became two distinct bodies or churches, and in regard of distance of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundry towns and villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some of Lincolnshire, and some of Yorkshire where they border nearest together. In one of these churches (besides others of note) was Mr. John Smith,15 a man of able gifts and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in the Low Countries, there (for the most part) buried themselves and their names.
But in this other church (which must be the subject of our discourse) beside' other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clyfton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence had done much good, and under God had been a means of the conversion of many. And also that famous and worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for many years, till the Lord took him away by death. Also Mr. William Brewster a reverend man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of the church and lived with them till old age.16
But after these things they could not but continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted and persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as fleabitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. For some were taken and clapped up in prison, others had their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their hands; and the most were fain to flee and leave their houses and habitations, and the means of their livelihood.
Yet these and many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of God's grace and Spirit.
Yet seeing themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of religion for all men; as also how sundry from London and other parts of the land had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, and were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam and in other places of the land. So after they had continued together about a year, and kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or other, exercising the worship of God amongst themselves, notwithstanding all the diligence and malice of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they could. Which was in the year 1607 and 1608 ..."
Chapter 2: "There was a large company of them purposed to get passage at Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that end had hired a ship wholly to themselves and made agreement with the master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their goods in at a convenient place, where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. So after long waiting and large expenses, though he kept not day with them, yet he came at length and took them in, in the night. But when he had them and their goods abroad, he betrayed them, having before hand complotted with the searchers and other officers to do; who took them, and put them into open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, searching to their shirts for money, yea even the women further than became modesty; and then carried them back into the town and made them a spectacle and wonder to the multitude which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus first, by these catchpoll officers rifled and stripped of their money; books and much other goods, they were presented to the magistrates, and messengers sent to inform the Lords of the Council of them; and so they were committed to ward. Indeed the magistrates used them courteously and showed them what favour they could; but could not deliver them till order came from the Council table. But the issue was that after a month's imprisonment the greatest part were dismissed and sent to the places from whence they came; but seven of the principal were still kept in prison and bound over to the assizes.
The next spring2 after, there was another attempt made by some of these and others to get over at another place. And it so fell out that they light of3 a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging to Zealand. They made agreement with him, and acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfulness in him than in the former of their own nation; he bade them not fear, for he would do well enough. He was by appointment to take them in between Grimsby and Hull, where was a large common a good way distant from any town. Now against the prefixed time, the women and children with the goods were sent to the place in a small bark which they had hired for that end; and the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a day before the ship came, and the sea being rough and the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creek hard by where they lay on ground at low water. The next morning the ship came but they were fast and could not stir until about noon. In the meantime, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard whom he saw ready, walking about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard and she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great company, both horse and foot, with bills and guns and other weapons, for the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman, seeing that, swore his country's oath sacremente, and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoised sails, and away.
But the poor men which were got aboard were in great distress for their wives and children which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps; and themselves also, not having a cloth to shift them with, more than they had on their backs, and some scarce a penny about them, all they had being aboard the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and anything they had they would have given to have been ashore again; but all in vain, there was no remedy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at their port; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon nor stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; the mariners themselves often despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea and they sinking without recovery. But when man's hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and mercy appeared in their recovery; for the ship rose again and gave the mariners courage again to manage her. And if modesty would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in this great distress (especially some of them) even without any great distraction. When the water ran into their mouths and ears and the mariners cried out, 'We sink, we sink!' they cried (if not with miraculous, yet with a great height or degree of divine faith), 'Yet Lord Thou canst save! Yet Lord Thou canst save!' with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as everyone cannot understand, and in the end brought them to their desired haven, where the people came flocking, admiring their deliverance; the storm having been so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the master's friends related unto him in their congratulations.
But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the men that were in greatest danger made shift to escape away before the troop could surprise them, those only staying that best might be assistant unto the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor women in this distress; what weeping and crying on every side, some for their husbands that were carried away in the ship as is before related; others not knowing what should become of them and their little ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another and from one justice to another, till in the end they knew not what to do with them; for to imprison so many women and innocent children for no other cause (many of them) but that they must go with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable and all would cry out of them. And to send them home again was as difficult; for they alleged, as the truth was, they had no homes to go to, for they had either sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied and tired with them. Though in the meantime they (poor souls) endured misery enough; and thus in the end necessity forced a way for them.
But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omit the rest, though I might relate many other notable passages and troubles which they endured and underwent in these their wanderings and travels both at land and sea; but I haste to other things. Yet I may not omit the fruit that came hereby, for by these so public troubles in so many eminent places their cause became famous and occasioned many to look into the same, and their godly carriage and Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at these first conflicts and sharp beginnings (as it was no marvel) yet many more came on with fresh courage and greatly animated others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these storms of opposition, they all get over at length, some at one time and some at another, and some in one place and some in another, and met together again according to their desires, with no small rejoicing.4"
Chapter 3: "Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster and other principal members were come over (for they were of the last and stayed to help the weakest over before them) such things were thought on as were necessary for their settling and best ordering of the church affairs.
And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson their pastor and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his company was already fallen into contention with the church that was there before them, and no means they could use would do any good to cure the same, and also that the flames of contention were like to break out in that ancient church itself (as afterwards lamentably came to pass); which things they prudently foreseeing thought it was best to remove before they were any way engaged with the same, though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward estates, both at present and in likelihood in the future; as indeed it proved to be.
For these and some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair and beautiful city and of a sweet situation, but made more famous by the university wherewith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so beneficial for their outward means of living and estate. But being now here pitched, they fell to such trades and employments as they best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever. And at length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living, but with hard and continual labor.
Being thus settled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort together in the ways of God, under the able ministry and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster who was an assistant unto him in the place of an Elder, unto which he was now called and chosen by the church. So as they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the Spirit of God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness and many came unto them from divers parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation."
Chapter 4: "After they had lived in this city about some eleven or twelve years (which is the more observable being the whole time of that famous truce between that state and the Spaniards)1 and sundry of them were taken away by death and many others began to be well stricken in years (the grave mistress of Experience having taught them many things), those prudent governors with sundry of the sagest members began both deeply to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to foresee the future and think of timely remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts, and much discourse of things hereabout, at length they began to incline to this conclusion of removal to some other place. Not out of any newfangledness or other such like giddy humor by which men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid reasons, some of the chief of which I will here briefly touch.
And first, they saw and found by experience the hardness of the place and country to be such as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out and continue with them. For many that came to them, and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure that great labour and hard fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent and were contented with. ... Yea, some preferred and chose the prisons in England rather than this liberty in Holland with these afflictions.3 But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many and take away these discouragements. Yea, their pastor would often say that many of those who both wrote and preached now against them, if they were in a place where they might have liberty and live comfortably, they would then practice as they did.
Secondly. They saw that though the people generally bore all these difficulties very cheerfully and with a resolute courage, being in the best and strength of their years; yet old age began to steal on many of them; and their great and continual labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time. So as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both."
"Thirdly. As necessity was a taskmaster over them so they were forced to be such, not only to their servants but in a sort to their dearest children, the which as it did not a little wound the tender hearts of many a loving father and mother, so it produced likewise sundry sad and sorrowful effects. For many of their children that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having learned4 to bear the yoke in their youth and willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes so oppressed with their heavy labours that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decrepit in their early youth, the vigour of nature being consumed in the very bud as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions and the great licentiousness of youth in that country,5 and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins off their necks and departing from their parents. Some became soldiers, others took upon them far voyages by sea, and others some worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief of their parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted.6
Lastly (and which was not least), a great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way hereunto, for the propagating and advancing the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great a work."
"The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only savage and brutish men which range up and down, little otherwise than the wild beasts of the same. This proposition being made public and coming to the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men and caused many fears and doubts amongst themselves."
"It was answered that all great and honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate. The difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though there were many of them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be sundry of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care and the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience might either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground and reason, not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiosity or hope of gain, etc. But their condition was not ordinary, their ends were good and honourable, their calling lawful and urgent; and therefore they might expect the blessing of God in their proceeding. Yea, though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might they have comfort in the same and their endeavours would be honourable. They lived here but as men in exile and in a poor condition, and as great miseries might possibly befall them in this place; for the twelve years of truce were now out and there was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savages of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here as there, and their liberty less to look out for remedy.
After many other particular things answered and alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part to put this design in execution and to prosecute it by the best means they could."
Chapter 7: "At length, after much travel and these debates, all things were got ready and provided. A small ship was bought and fitted in Holland, which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in the country and attend upon fishing and such other affairs as might be for the good and benefit of the colony when they came there. Another was hired at London, of burthen about 9 score, and all other things got in readiness. ... And the time being come that they must depart, they were accompanied with most of their brethren out of the city, unto a town sundry miles off called Delftshaven, where the ship lay ready to receive them." The smaller ship was the "Speedwell" and the larger was the famous "Mayflower".
"Thus hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, with all the rest of their company."
"Mr. Weston, likewise, came up from London to see them dispatched and to have the conditions confirmed. But they refused and answered him that he knew right well that these were not according to the first agreement, neither could they yield to them without the consent of the rest that were behind. And indeed they had special charge when they came away, from the chief of those that were behind, not to do it. At which he was much offended and told them they must then look to stand on their own legs. So he returned in displeasure and this was the first ground of discontent between them. And whereas there wanted well near £100 to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to disburse a penny but let them shift as they could. So they were forced to sell off some of their provisions to stop this gap, which was some three or four-score firkins of butter, which commodity they might best spare, having provided too large a quantity of that kind."
"Then they ordered and distributed their company for either ship, as they conceived for the best; and chose a Governor and two or three assistants for each ship, to order the people by the way, and see to the disposing of their provisions and such like affairs. All which was not only with the liking of the masters of the ships but according to their desires. Which being done, they set sail from thence about the 5th of August."
Chapter 8: "Being thus put to sea they had not gone far, but Mr. Reynolds the master of the lesser ship complained that he found his ship so leaky as he durst not put further to sea till she was mended. So the master of the bigger ship (called Mr. Jones) being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth and have her there searched and mended, which accordingly was done, to their great charge and loss of time and fair wind. She was hear thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some leaks were found and mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufficient, and they might proceed without either fear or danger.
So with good hopes from hence, they put to sea again, conceiving they should go comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to see again about 100 leagues without the Lands End, holding company together all this while, the master of the small ship complained his ship was so leaky as he must bear up or sink at sea, for they could scarce free her with much pumping. So they came to consultation again, and resolved both ships to bear up back again and put into Plymouth, which accordingly was done. But no special leak could be found, but it was judged to be the general weakness of the ship, and that she would not prove sufficient for the voyage. Upon which it was resolved to dismiss her and part of the company, and proceed with the other ship." Subsequently, Bradford asserts that there was really nothing wrong with the "Speedwell", but that the master and crew intentionally mishandled the ship in such a way as to make it appear unseaworthy. He further explained that their reason for doing this was to escape the committment they had made to remain with the colony for a year. Apparently, they became afraid of the hardship and danger they might face in the New World.
Chapter 9: "September 6. These troubles being blown over, and now all being compact together in one ship, they put to sea again with a prosperous wind, which continued divers days together, which was some encouragement unto them; yet, according to the usual manner, many were afflicted with seasickness."
"After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for a season, they were encountered many times with cross winds and met with many fierce storms with which the ship was shroudly1 shaken, and her upper works made very leaky; and one of the main beams in the midships was bowed and cracked, which put them in some fear that the ship could not be able to perform the voyage. So some of the chief of the company, perceiving the mariners to fear the sufficiency of the ship as appeared by their mutterings, they entered into serious consultation with the master and other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger, and rather to return than to cast themselves into a desperate and inevitable peril. And truly there was great distraction and difference of opinion amongst the mariners themselves; fain would they do what could be done for their wages' sake (being now near half the seas over) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. But in examining of all opinions, the master and others affirmed they knew the ship to be strong and firm under water; and for the buckling of the main beam, there was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beam into his place; the which being done, the carpenter and master affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck and otherways bound, he would make it sufficient. And as for the decks and upper works, they would caulk them as well as they could, and though with the working of the ship they would not long keep staunch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they committed themselves to the will of God and resolved to proceed.
In sundry of these storms the winds were so fierce and the seas so high, as they could not bear a knot of sail, but were forced to hull2 for divers days together. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull in a mighty storm, a lusty3 young man called John Howland, coming upon some occasion above the gratings was, with a seele4 of the ship, thrown into sea; but it pleased God that he caught hold of the topsail halyards which hung overboard and ran out at length. Yet he held his hold (though he was sundry fathoms under water) till he was hauled up by the same rope to the brim of the water, and then with a boat hook and other means got into the ship again and his life saved. And though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after and became a profitable member both in church and commonwealth. In all this voyage there died but one of the passengers, which was William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, when they drew near the coast.
But to omit other things (that I may be brief) after long beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod;5 the which being made and certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyful. After some deliberation had amongst themselves and with the master of the ship, they tacked about and resolved to stand for the southward (the wind and weather being fair) to find some place about Hudson's River for their habitation.6 But after they had sailed that course about half the day, they fell among dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and they were so far entangled therewith as they conceived themselves in great danger; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape and thought themselves happy to get out of those dangers before night overtook them, as by God's good providence they did. And the next day7 they got into the Cape Harbors where they rid in safety."
"Being thus arrived in a good harbor, and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of Heaven10 who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries thereof, again to set their feet on the firm and stable earth, their proper element."
Chapter 1: "1 Bradford uses the word Saint in the Biblical sense, as one of God's chosen people, or a church member, not one of those canonized by the Roman Catholic Church.
2 Professor, as used by Bradford and by Puritans generally, had no educational connotation; it merely meant one who professed Christianity."
"5 i.e., into practice.
6 ... His reference is to John Fox Acts and Monuments (familiarly known as the Book of Martyrs) p. 1587 of 2nd edition.
7 William Whittingham Brieff Discours of the Troubles begonne at Franckford, printed at Zurich or Geneva in 1575. The row was between the Marian exiles who wished to abolish 'service books' altogether (which Bradford and the entire left wing of English Protestantism believed should have been done), and those who adopted the typically English compromise of a Book of Common Prayer. The Marian exiles, or some of them, wished to reorganize the church on congregational principles which they believed alone to be sanctioned by the New Testament.
8 Bradford means the Congregational discipline. His account of church history during Elizabeth's reign is of course a partisan one, unfair to the acts and the motives of everyone not in the left wing of Protestantism.
9 Eusebius lib. vi chap. 42 (Bradford). The Novatians were an obscure sect of the 3rd century.
10 On the blank page [4 V.] opposite. Bradford in 1646 added what he called A late observation. as it were by the way, to be noted."
"12 Officers of the Church of England whose duty was to enforce conformity.
13 Emanuel van Meteren General History of the Netherlands (London 1608) xxv 119. Bradford's reference, to which he adds this remark: 'The reformed churches shapen much near[er] the primitive pattern than England, for they cashiered the Bishops with all their courts, canons, and ceremonies, at the first; and left them amongst the popish tr[ash] to which they per[tained].'
14 A paraphrase of the words of thc covenant that people made when they formed a separatist (later called Congregational) church.
15 An alumnus of Christ's College, Cambridge, who seceded from the Church of England in 1605 and preached to the separatist church at Gainsborough. This congregation emigrated in 1608 to Amsterdam, where Smith embraced a number of strange opinions and his church broke up.
16 Richard Clyfton and John Robinson also were Cambridge alumni in holy orders who separated. Clyfton and William Brewster organized the separatist congregation at Scrooby, Nottinghamshire, which Bradford joined as a young man. The sentence on Brewster is written in a different ink from the rest of the chapter, having been inserted after the Elder's death in 1643."
Chapter 2: "2 Of 1608.
3 Happened upon.
4 About 125 members of the Scrooby congregation 'get over' to Amsterdam, including the two ministers Clyfton and Robinson, William Brewster and Bradford himself."
Chapter 4: "1 The twelve years' truce was signed on 30 March 1609, and therefore was due to end in 1621. Although war was then renewed, the Netherlands had powerful allies such as France, Sweden and several German States already engaged with Spain in the Thirty Years' War, at the end of which, in the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), Spain recognized the independence of the United Netherlands."
"3 It may seem strange that it should seem easier to emigrate to the American wilderness than to a Dutch city; but the Netherlands were overpopulated in relation to the economic system of that day, and the standard of living in the handicrafts, the only occupation open to English immigrants, was low.
4 Lamentations iii. 27.
5 The Dutch, curiously enough, did not 'remember the Sabbath Day to keep it holy' in the strict sense that other Calvinists did. Sunday after church was a day of feasting and merrymaking, especially for children. This was one of the conditions that the English community found most obnoxious.
6 Both Nathaniel Morton in New Englands Memoriall p. 3, and Edward Winslow in Hypocrisie Unmasked p.89 stressed the fear of the Pilgrims lest their children lose their language and nationality. And their fear of the Dutch 'melting pot' was well taken; for the offspring of those English Puritans who did not emigrate to New England or return to England became completely amalgamated with the local population by 1660."
Chapter 9: "1 An old form of shrewdly in its original meaning wickedly.
2 To heave or lay-to under very short sail and drift with the wind.
3 Lively, merry; no sexual connotation. Howland, a servant of Governor Carver, rose to be one of the leading men of the Colony.
4 Roll or pitch.
5 At daybreak 9/19 Nov. 1620, they sighted the Highlands of Cape Cod.
6 This is the only direct statement in the History as to whither the Mayflower was bound. I see no reason to doubt its accuracy. It is borne out by Bradford's own journal in Mourt's Relation (see chap. x note 2, below): 'We made our course south-southwest, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the south of the Cape, but at night the wind being contrary, we put round again for the Bay of Cape Cod.' Although the mouth of the Hudson is nearer 15 than 10 1eagues south of the Cape in latitude, the Pilgrims' knowledge of New England geography was far from perfect, and the Hudson was doubtless meant.
7 Nov. 11/21, 1620. Thus the Mayflower's passage from Plymouth took 65 days."
"10 Daniel ii. l9." (Courtney Danforth, "Of Plymouth Plantation", xroads.virginia.edu/~DRBR/bradford.html, 1997.) (Caleb Johnson,"Bradford's History", members.aol.com/calebj/bradford_journal.html, 1997.)
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8. Azel Ames, The May-flower and Her Log, July 15, 1620-May 6, 1621, Houghton, Mifflin and Co., Boston MA & New York, NY, 1901: pass.
"The Agreement of the Merchant Adventurers and Planters Anno: 1620, July 1.
1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10 li., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.
2. That he goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10 li. either in money or other provisions, be accounted as haveing 20 li. in stock, and in ye devission shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7 years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division.
4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; imploying the rest of their severall faculties upon ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as shall be most usefull for ye collonie.
5. That at ye end of ye 7 years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatels, be equally devided betwixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.
6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of his so doing.
7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and devision.
8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.
10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods of ye said collonie."
(Available electronically at webroots.org/library/usatrav/mflog007.html)
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9. In ye name of God Amen· We whose names are vnderwriten, the loyall subjects of our dread soueraigne Lord King James by ye grace of God, of great Britaine, franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c
Haueing vndertaken, for ye glorie of God, and aduancemente of ye christian ^faith and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia· doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, couenant, & combine our selues togeather into a ciuill body politick; for
yeour better ordering, & preseruation & fur=therance of ye ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof, to enacte, constitute, and frame shuch just & equall lawes, ordinances, Acts, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & conuenient for ye generall good of ye colonie: vnto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we haue herevnder subscribed our names at Cap=Codd ye ·11· of Nouember, in ye year of ye raigne of our soueraigne Lord king James of England, france, & Ireland ye eighteenth and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano: Dom ·1620·|
/s/: John Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, John Alden, Samuel Fuller, Christopher Martin, William Mullins, William White, Richard Warren, John Howland, Stephen Hopkins, Edward Tilley, John Tilley, Francis Cooke, Thomas Rogers, Thomas Tinker, John Rigsdale, Edward Fuller, John Turner, Francis Eaton, James Chilton, John Crackstone, John Billington, Moses Fletcher, John Goodman, Degory Priest, Thomas Williams, Gilbert Winslow, Edmund Margesson, Peter Brown, Richard Britteridge, George Soule, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardinar, John Allerton, Thomas English, Edward Doty, Edward Leister.
Here, the text of the Mayflower Compact has been transcribed from Bradford's manuscript leaving all archaic usage intact; however, the names of the signers have been modernized. The Compact was signed on board the "Mayflower" as it lay at anchor on November 11, 1620. Its purpose was to constitute a legitimate civil authority for the new colony. (Caleb Johnson,"Mayflower Compact", www.mayflowerhistory.com/PrimarySources/MayflowerCompact.php, 2005.)
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10. Mayflower Descendant, Vol. 1, No. 1, pg. 16, 1899. Governor Bradford's Accounting of the Mayflower Passengers:
"The names of those which came over first, in ye year .1620. and were (by the blesing of God) the first beginers, and (in a sort) the foundation, of all the plantations, and Colonies, in New England. (And their families.)
mr John Carver. Kathrine his wife. Desire Minter; & .2. man-servants John Howland Roger Wilder. William Latham, a boy. & a maid servant. & a child yt was put to him called, Jasper More
mr William Brewster. Mary his wife, with .2. sons, whose names were Love, & Wrasling. and a boy was put to him called Richard More; and another of his brothers the rest of his childeren were left behind & came over afterwards.
mr Edward Winslow Elizabeth his wife, & 2 men servants, caled Georg Sowle, and Elias Story; also a litle girle was put to him caled Ellen, the sister of Richard More.
William Bradford, and Dorathy his wife, having but one child, a sone left behind, who came afterward.
mr Isaack Allerton, and Mary. his wife; with .3. children Bartholmew Remember, & Mary. and a servant boy, John Hooke.
mr Samuell fuller; and a servant, caled William Butten. His wife was behind & a child, which came afterwards.
John Crakston and his sone John Crakston
Captin Myles Standish and Rose, his wife
Mr Christpher Martin, and his wife; and .2. servants, Salamon prower, and John Langemore
mr William Mullines, and his wife; and .2. children Joseph, & priscila; and a servant Robart Carter.
mr William White, and Susana his wife; and one sone caled resolved, and one borne a ship-bord caled perigriene; & .2. servants , named William Holbeck, & Edward Thomson
mr Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth his wife; and .2. children, caled Giles, and Constanta a doughter, both by a former wife. And .2. more by this wife, caled Damaris, & Oceanus, the last was borne at sea. And .2. servants, called Edward Doty, and Edward Litster.
mr Richard Warren, but his wife and children were lefte behind and came afterwards
John Billinton, and Elen his wife: and .2. sones John, & Francis.
Edward Tillie, and Ann his wife: and .2. childeren that were their cossens; Henery Samson, and Humillity Coper
John Tillie, and his wife; and Eelizabeth their doughter
Francis Cooke, and his sone John; But his wife & other children came afterwards
Thomas Rogers, and Joseph his sone; his other children came afte rwards.
Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a Sone
John Rigdale; and Alice his wife.
James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary their dougter; they had another doughter yt was maried came afterward.
Edward fuller, and his wife; and Samuell their sonne
John Turner, and .2. sones; he had a doughter came some years after to Salem, wher she is now living.
Francis Eaton. and Sarah his wife, and Samuell their sone, a yong child Moyses fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardenar, Gilbart Winslow
John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton wher the ship victuled; and being a hopefull yong man was much desired, but left to his owne liking to go, or stay when he came here, but he stayed, and maryed here.
John Allerton, and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the later to goe mr of a shalop here. and ye other was reputed as one of ye company, but was to go back (being a seaman) for the help of others behind. But they both dyed here, before the shipe returned.
Ther were allso other .2. seamen hired to stay a year here in the country, William Trevore; and one Ely. But when their time was out they both returned.
These bening aboute a hundred sowls came over in this first ship; and began this worke, which god of his goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let his holy name have ye praise. And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see. 30. years compleated, since these beginings. And that the great works of his providence are to be observed. I have thought it not unworthy my paines, to take a veiw of the decreasings, & Increasings of these persons, and such change as hath pased over them, & theirs, in this thirty years. It may be of some use to such as come after; but however I shall rest in my owne benefite. I will therefore take them in order as they lye.
mr Carver and his wife, dyed the first year, he in ye spring, she in ye somer; also his man Roger, and ye litle boy Jasper, dyed before either of them, of ye commone Infection. Desire Minter, returned to her freind & proved not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy Latham after more then .20. years stay in the country went into England; and from thence to the Bahamy Ilands in ye west Indees; and ther with some others was stavred for want of food. His maid servant maried, &c dyed a year or tow after here in this place. His servant John Howland maried the doughter of John Tillie, Elizabeth, and they are both now living; and have .10. children now all living and their eldest doughter hath .4. children And ther .2. dougter, one, all living and other of their Children mariagable. so .15. are come of them.
mr Brewster lived to very old age; about .80. years he was when he dyed, having lived some .23. or .24. years here in ye countrie. & though his wife dyed long before, yet she dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a yonge man unmaried; his sone Love, lived till this year. 1650. and dyed, & left .4. children, now living. His doughters which came over after him, are dead but have left sundry children alive; his eldst sone is still liveing, and hath .9. or .10. children, one maried. who hath a child, or .2.
Richard More, his brother dyed the first winter; but he is maried, and hath .4. or .5. children, all living.
mr Ed: Winslow, his wife dyed the first winter; and he maried with the 2. widow of mr White, and hath .2. children living by her marigable, beside sundry that are dead. one of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle soone after the ships arivall. But his man Georg Sowle, is still living, and hath .8. children.
William Bradford, his wife dyed soone after their arivall; and he maried againe; and hath .4. children, .3: wherof are maried. who dyed 9 of May, 1658.*
mr Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his servant John Hooke. his sone Bartle is maried in England but I know not how many children he hath. His doughter remember is maried at Salem & hath .3. or .4 children living. And his doughter mary is maried here, & hath 4. children. Him selfe maried againe with ye dougter of mr Brewster, & hath one sone living by here but she is long since dead. And he is maried againe, and hath left this place long agoe. So I account his Increase to be :8: beside his sons in England.
mr ffuller, his servant dyed at sea; and after his wife came over, he had .2. tow children by her; which are living and growne up to years. but he dyed some .15. years agoe. [GEB note? wife and child came afterward. see p. 9]
John Crakston dyed in the first mortality; and about some .5. or 6. years after his sone dyed, having lost him selfe in ye wodes, his feet became frosen, which put him into a feavor, of which he dyed.
Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes; and he maried againe, and hath .4. sones liveing, and some are dead. who dyed . 3. of Octob. 1655.*
mr Martin, he, and all his, dyed in the first Infection; not long after the arivall.
mr Molines, and his wife, his sone, & his servant dyed the first winter. Only his dougter priscila survied, and maried with John Alden, who are both living, and have .11. children. And their eldest daughter is maried & hath five children. [GEB Note: See N. E. Memorial, p. 22. This entry is in a different hand.]
mr White, and his .2. servants dyed soone after ther landing. His wife maried with mr Winslow (as is before noted) His .2. sons are maried, and resolved hath .5. children; perigrine tow, all living. So their Increase are :7
mr Hopkins, and his wife are now both dead; but they lived above .20. years in this place, and had one sone, and .4. doughters borne here. Ther sone became a seaman, & dyed at Barbadoes, one daughter dyed here. and .2. are maried. one of them hath .2. children, and one is yet to mary. So their Increase, which still survive, are .5. But his sone Giles is maried, and hath .4. children. his doughter Constanta, is also maried, and hath .12. children all of them living, and one of them maried.
mr Richard Warren lived some .4. or .5. years, and had his wife come 4 over to him, by whom he had .2. sons .4. before dyed; and one of them is maryed, and hath .2. children So his Increase is .4. but he had .5. doughters more came over with his wife, who are all maried, & living & have many children.
John Billinton after he had bene here .10. yers, was executed, for killing a man; and his eldest sone dyed before him; but his .2. sone is alive, and maried, & hath .8. children
Edward Tillie, and his wife both dyed soon after their arivall; and the girle Humility their cousen, was sent for into Ento England, and dyed ther But the youth Henery Samson, is still liveing, and is maried, & hath .7. children. John Tillie, and his wife both dyed, a litle after they came ashore; and their daughter Elizabeth maried with John Howland and hath Isue as is before noted.
Francis Cooke* is still living, a very olde man, and hath seene his childrens, children, have children: after his wife came over. (with other of his children) he hath .3. still living by her, all maried, and have .5. children so their encrease is .8. And his sone John which came over with him, is maried, and hath .4. chilldren living. [* In the margin, in a different hand, is written 'dyed 7 of April 1663 above 80.']
Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone Joseph is still living, and is maried, and hath .6. children. The rest of Thomas Rogers came over, & are maried, & have many children.
Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and sone, all dyed in the first sicknes.
And so did John Rigdale, and his wife.
James Chilton, and his wife also dyed in the first Infection but their daughter mary, is still living and hath .9. children; and one daughter is maried, & hath a child; so their Increase is .10.
Edward ffuller, and his wife dyed soon after they came ashore; but their sone Samuell is living, & maried, and hath .4. children. or more.
John Turner, and his .2. sones all dyed in the first siknes. But he hath a daugter still living, at Salem, well maried, and approved of.
Francis Eeaton, his first wife dyed in the generall sicknes; and he maried againe, & his .2. wife dyed, & he maried the .3. and had by her .3. children. one of them is maried, & hath a child; the other are living, but one of them is an Ideote. He dyed about .16. years agoe. his sone Samuell, who came over a sucking child is allso maried, & hath a child.
Moyses fletcher Thomas Williams Digerie preist John Goodman Edmond Margeson Richard Britterige Richard Clarke All these dyed sone after their arivall. in the Generall sicknes that befell. But Digerie preist had his wife & children sent hither afterwards she being mr Allertons sister. But the rest left no posteritie here.
Richard Gardinar, became a seaman, and dyed in England, or at sea.
Gilbert Winslow after diverse years aboad here, returned into England and dyed ther.
Peter Browne maried twise, by his first wife he had .2. children, who are living, & both of them maried, and the one of them hath .2. children. by his second wife, he had .2. more; he dyed about 16 years since
Thomas English; and John Allerton, dyed in the generall siknes.
John Alden maried with priscila, mr Mollines his doughter, and had Isue by her as is before related.
Edward Doty, & Edward Litster the servants of mr Hopkins. Litster After he was at liberty, went to Virginia, & ther dyed. But Edward Doty by a second wife hath .7. children and both he and they are living
Of these 100 persons which came first over, in this first ship together; the greater halfe dyed in the generall mortality; and most of them in .2. or three monthes time. And for those which survied though some were ancient & past procreation; & others left ye place and cuntrie. yet of those few remaining are sprunge up above .160. persons; in this .30. years. And are now living in this presente year. 1650. beside many of their children which are dead and come not within this account. And of the old stock, (of one, & other) ther are yet living this present year. 1650. nere .30. persons. Let the Lord have ye praise; who is the High preserver of men.
Twelfe persons liveing of the old Stock this present yeare 1679.
Two persons liveing that come over in the first Shipe 1620 this present yeare 1690. [GEB Note: & Peregrine White, John Cooke, Richard More]
Resolved White and Mary Chusman, the Daughter of mr Alderton and John Cooke the Son of frances Cooke that Came in the first ship is still liveing this present yeare 1694
& Mary Cushman. is still liveing this present yeare 1698 [GEB Note: & P. White]
The last four entries, made many years after Governor Bradford closed his record, were written by two different persons. It is impossible to determine the exact date of the first entry, but the writer overlooked at least two 'of the old Stock.'
The following list contains the names of fifteen who were alive at the beginning of the year 1679: - Peregrine White, died 1704. Mary (Allerton) Cushman. died 1699; John Cooke. died 1695. Resolved White, died between 1690 and 1694. Richard More, died 1690 or later, Gyles Hopkins, died 1690, Elizabeth (Tilley) Howland, died 1687; John Alden, died 1687. Francis Billington, died about 1686. Henry Samson, died 1684. Samuel Eaton, died 1684; Samuel Fuller, 2d, died 1683, Susanna (Fuller) (White) Winslow, died 1680; George Soule, died 1680, Mary (Chilton) Winslow, died 1679. The last named died early in 1679, perhaps before the entry was made.
Bradford wrote that there were 'nere 30 persons' living in 1650, but he named only twenty-eight [GEB Note 27] - those alive in 1679, and the following thirteen: Joseph Rogers, died 1678. Constance (Hopkins) Snow, died 1677; John Howland, died 1673; Damaris (Hopkins) Cooke, died between 1666 and 1669. Francis Cooke, died 1663; Isaac Allerton, died 1659, William Bradford, died 1657; Myles Standish, died 1656; Edward Doty, died 1655; Edward Winslow, died; 1655; Remember (Allerton) Maverick, died about 1652. also Priscilla (Mullins) Alden and Bartholomew Allerton both of whom Bradford mentions as living in 1650, but the years of their decease cannot be stated with any approach to accuracy. [Bowman's marginal note has twenty-eight lined out and replaced with 27, Damaris Hopkins' death lined out]
Prince's note in his own copy of the New England Memorial (see p. 452 of Bradford's History, Ed. 1856) shows that these two entries must have been made before he received the manuscript. In neither entry is the year correctly stated. Governor Bradford died 9 May, 1657, and Captain Standish 3 October, 1656. This note and that giving the date of captain Standish's death are in the same handwriting." This transcription and notes on the text are due to Mr. George Ernest Bowman, i.e., "GEB".
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11. Amos Otis revised by C. F. Swift, Genealogical Notes of Barnstable Families, F. B. & F. P. Goss, Publishers and Printers, Barnstable, MA, 1888: pg. 376.
"Matthew remained with his friends in England till about the year 1640, when he came over. Though he was then nearly thirty years of age, probably a married man and a parent, yet he was accounted to be 'one of the first born of the Colony,' and had lands assigned in virtue of his right of primo-geniture. Edward and Anne Fuller had no child born in this country to claim the lands granted to 'the first born;' and in all such cases the right was transferred to the eldest child of the same parents, though born in the mother country."
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12. Francis H. Fuller, "Early New England Fullers" in New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 55, pgs. 192-6, 1901 & Francis H. Fuller, "Fullers of Redenhall, England" in New England Genealogical and Historical Register, Vol. 55, pgs. 410-4, 1901.
13. Bruce Campbell McGunnigle, Robert M. Sherman, and Robert S. Wakefield, "Was Matthew Fuller of Plymouth Colony a Son of Pilgrim Edward Fuller?",The American Genealogist, Vol. 61, pgs. 194-9, 1986.
14. Charles Edward Banks, English Ancestry and Homes of the Pilgrim Fathers, The Grafton Press, New York, NY, 1929: pg. 55. (Reprint available from Genealogical Publishing Co., 1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, MD, 21202-3897)
15. Eugene Aubrey Stratton, Plymouth Colony, Its History and People, 1620-1691, Ancestry Pub., Salt Lake City, UT, 1986: pgs. 294 & 406.
16. Robert Charles Anderson, The Great Migration Begins: Immigrants to New England, 1620-33, New England Historic Genealogical Society, Boston, MA, 1995: Vol. 1, pg. 712.
17. Billie Redding Lewis, The Redding Family and Its Relatives, privately published, Lake Wales, FL, 1982; 6th Ed., Anundsen Publishing Co., Decorah, IA, 1992: pgs. 239-52.
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